Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Reseña del libro:CRABTREE, John y DURAND, Francisco. (2017). Perú: élites del poder y captura política, Red para el Desarrollo de las Ciencias Sociales en el Perú, Lima. ISBN: 978-997-283-522-3, 202 páginas

The article aims to analyze the foreign policy of Kirchnerist administrations in connection with the general dynamics of the construction of hegemony at the State level and the regime of accumulation. In this way, we observe the conformation of the political-economic project, with a key component in the presidential discourse as an ideological base that constitutes a common reading of the past and the future to be built, observing the interrelation of the national scale with the international one in the debate for a new global order. There, we investigate the role of the process of regional integration, based on the characterization of the war of positions that is being developed through the continent in the nascent 21st century. With this proposal, we undertake an analysis of international relations of force that allows us to understand various milestones of the foreign and domestic policy of Kirchnerism between 2003 and 2015, where the categories of autonomy, people, nation and neo-developmentalism are linked to regionalization, multilateralism and multipolarity, in an interpretation that articulates multiple dimensions and scales.

Over the last few decades we have witnessed an emerging interest in security topics and mechanisms to analyse these. In the context of globalization, new threats have appeared (not only interstate, but mainly, intra- and trans-state), as well as theoretical approaches (such as Critical Security Studies, CSS) to deal with them. Regarding the South American region it is useful to consider the constitution of the Unasur as a forum to coordinate policies with a very relevant geostrategic and security influence. In this paper, I deal with the logics that motivated the birth of the UNASUR project, in order to examine the way this regional project acts against different types of security threats and regional crises until 2016-17, when Venezuelan crises escalated. Furthermore, empirical evidences are tested with the common characteristics proposed by Peoples and Vaughan-Williams for the CSS. Some conclusions are drawn as new aspects have been incorporated to the way UNASUR addressed regional conflicts (security as a derivate concept and a broader security agenda), while an important element remained the same: a state-centric perspective.

Extracto de texto: "Evolución estilizada de los hechos más relevantes Enero de 2019 dio inicio a un nuevo capítulo de la multidimensional crisis que Venezuela viene atravesando desde 2013 cuando Nicolás Maduro -representando al Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela y al Polo Patriótico- fue electo presidente por una diferencia de 1,49 % sobre su rival Henrique Capriles –representando a Unidad Democrática y Primero Justicia-. Luego de la elección y teniendo en cuanta el escaso margen de votos a favor de Maduro, Capriles junto con otros líderes políticos de la oposición denunciaron un conjunto de irregularidades y solicitaron a la entonces Unión de Naciones Sudamericanas (UNASUR) un proceso de supervisión de los resultados electorales. En abril de 2013, la UNASUR respaldó la auditoría de votos presentada por el Consejo Nacional Electoral de Venezuela e hizo un llamamiento a todos los líderes políticos para que aceptaran el resultado del proceso electoral. Maduro asumió como presidente de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela el 19 de abril..."

This particular work proposes as a general objective to explain the media coverage of the subject of Human Rights in the Argentine Foreign Policy in the period 2011 to 2015, and so, the specific objectives are to identify which are the subtopics with greater appearance linked to the subject of Human Rights in the period of analysis and study the presence of Memory, Truth and Justice among the sub-themes associated with Human Rights.

The objective of this article is to analyze the journalistic coverage of the Malvinas issue during the second presidential term of Cristina Fernández (2011-2015) in the main graphic media of our country: La Nación, Page/12, Clarín and the Press Releases of the Ministery or Foreign Relations, according to the guidelines of the Argentine Foreign Policy. At the same time we want to identify the main actors and issues linked to this issue. The way this problem is featured is linked to the increasingly important role that the media acquire in what is known as the "imposition of the legitimate vision".

La pobreza constituye una problemática que afecta a toda la comunidad internacional y, por lo tanto, su erradicación se convierte en un asunto de todos. Hasta el momento, no se dispone de un marco jurídico que imponga las obligaciones necesarias para su erradicación, por lo que los Estados tan solo han acordado marcos de actuación que no van más allá de meros compromisos políticos. No obstante, en el 2000 se adoptaron los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio (ODM) y posteriormente en el 2015, los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) que se incorporan en la Agenda 2030. Estos instrumentos propenden al establecimiento de Objetivos y Metas para crear una sociedad internacional justa, solidaria, equitativa y sostenible. El Objetivo 1 de dichos instrumentos es la erradicación de la pobreza, por lo que los principios que sustentan este Objetivo está directamente vinculados con el respeto de los derechos humanos, puesto que la pobreza va más allá de un asunto puramente económico y su erradicación requiere indispensablemente del reconocimiento de derechos, sobre todo de las personas más vulnerables. El presente trabajo pretende resaltar, por ello, la importancia que tiene la vinculación que debe existir entre los derechos humanos y la pobreza como estrategia necesaria para su erradicación y el logro de los objetivos plasmados en la Agenda 2030.

The main goal of this article is to analyze comparatively the levels of international cooperation in the dyad Chile-Uruguay in two distinctive moments: between 1973 and 1985, when the dyad was autocratic, and between 1990 and 2000, when the dyad became democratic. The before-and-after study case delineated is expected to test the hypothesis that Domestic Political Institutions can explain the levels of cooperation in a dyad. In order to conduct it, treaties signed and ratified by Chile and Uruguay between 1973 and 2000 and available at the Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional de Chile online archive were collected. After, a documental research was performed signaling the issue-areas and the model of cooperation (bilateral or multilateral) of the accords. Finally, in order to judge the intensity of cooperation in the two underlined periods, it was compared the raw numbers of treaties, its issue-areas and the model of cooperation adopted.

En la primera parte de este trabajo sobre Ucrania como escenario de conflicto actual se presentó una aproximación general de la temática abarcada. Se hizo referencia a los orígenes del conflicto y al accionar de los principales actores estatales involucrados. En esta segunda entrega se aborda el proceder del resto de los actores partes en el conflicto como la Organización para la Seguridad y Cooperación en Europa y la Organización de las Naciones Unidas, entre otros. Asimismo, se incluye un breve análisis de los Acuerdos de Minsk I y II como insumo de las consideraciones finales.

This article proposes a rational explication to the multiple malfunctions of Latin American international relations dynamics related to political and economic integration. The malfunctions referred to are the combination of an intense diplomatic agenda and the multiplication of weak regional organizations usually incapable of reaching their goals over time. To explain the leaders’ decisions to join organizations of these characteristics, to remain part of them and to refuse the exit option in case of insatisfaction, the article proposes a perspective combining political, social and historical factors. This wider perspective allows to claim that it has always been rational for leaders to maintain their participative behavior. The costs of joining a Latin American organization are traditionally low, the benefits of belonging to one are easily higher than the costs of being excluded, and the estimated costs of exit are simply too high for opting out… until now.