Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Actualmente no existe consenso con respecto a las razones que explican la tercera ola de autocratización. Sin embargo, las explicaciones que priorizan factores internacionales para comprender fenómenos domésticos son cada vez más relevantes y difíciles de evitar. La bibliografía que se centra en cómo aspectos externos impactan en regímenes domésticos incluye trabajos clásicos, que han observado el rol de los organismos internacionales e investigaciones más recientes que consideran el rol de poderes regionales autocráticos. Por las características de su régimen, China no ha escapado a la literatura sobre promoción de autocracia. Pese a ello hay poca evidencia de que China afecte o tenga la intención de modificar la organización política interna de otros países. El objetivo de este artículo es debatir sobre el rol de China como posible (o no) promotor y difusor de autocracia. Para ello se realizará un análisis crítico de textos sobre esta temática y de las investigaciones que se han centrado en China. El análisis de este caso permitirá observar las complejidades del debate sobre promoción de autocracia y los mecanismos causales mediante los cuales los actores internacionales podrían incidir en un cambio de régimen político. Con base en el estudio sobre China se propone un marco para una compresión más precisa e integral sobre cómo los factores externos pueden influir sobre la tercera ola de autocratización.

El presente trabajo analiza la política exterior de Xi Jinping hacia el Sudeste de Asia, focalizando en las dimensiones político-estratégica y económica. Se toma como premisa, coincidiendo con una extensa línea de estudios, que sus acciones y estrategias muestran mayor visibilidad y dinamismo que las ejecutadas por sus antecesores, tanto a nivel regional como global. A partir de la revisión bibliográfica se identifica que China combina, por un lado, una política exterior asertiva en cuestiones de soberanía territorial, como la defensa de su soberanía marítima en el Mar de China Meridional y; por el otro, la integración económica y comercial basada en la interdependencia y el multilateralismo, a través del fortalecimiento de los lazos regionales en el marco de la ASEAN+3, el Área de Libre Comercio China-ASEAN y la Belt and Road Initiative. Este artículo se centra en la complementariedad de las acciones e iniciativas de la política exterior china hacia la región, a partir del desarrollo de una estrategia holística de proyección global, basada en la consolidación de un espacio regional de poder y la consecuente construcción de liderazgo.

Los Sistemas Internacionales No Europeos es una reseña bibliográfica del libro “History of International Relations: A Non-European Perspective” publicado por Open Book Publishers, que pretende hacer un estudio comparativo de los sistemas internacionales previos al europeo, en especifico de China y Asia del este, India, los califatos musulmanes, los kanatos mongoles, África y las Américas, a través de una revisión histórica. Con el fin de responder a la falta de profundidad en la historia de las Relaciones Internacionales que se ha concentrado en el imperialismo europeo y actualmente no es suficiente para explicar la realidad del mundo.

In recent decades, China increased its power greatly, both in economic and military terms. However, the response from the actors in the region was not homogeneous; while some of them appeal to balance of power and increase their capabilities, others avoid this behavior. Between 2013 and 2018, Vietnam continuously increased its military expenditure, while Malaysia even decreased its own, representing an important question for Structural Realism. Through a comparative study between the two cases, it is concluded that Neoclassical Realism offers a better explanation of the events, incorporating government and societies’ beliefs and perceptions into the analysis. In these cases, each State domestic variables shaped the actions of their governing authorities and played a central role in the perception of China as a threat and the consistent response strategy to its rise.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the policies of the United States towards the Asia-Pacific region, between 2008 and 2018, mainly the US containment strategy against China. After the victory of Barack Obama as president of the United States, the United States policy towards this region experienced several changes. The former cooperation project named G2 was replaced by a geostrategic proposal called “Pivot”. This proposal changed, both the United States politics and economics in this region by being involved in initiatives as the TPP and military alliances as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. China interprets this proposal as a containment strategy due to United States alliances with other countries in the region and the constant intervention of this country in the territorial disputes in the South China Sea.

La Escuela de Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Nacional, Costa Rica, ha dedicado sus esfuerzos académicos para reflexionar en el año 2020 en torno a la transición o “retorno” del orden mundial a la región asiática, lo cual se considera como una de las principales tendencias que permiten caracterizar el siglo XXI.

The article describes participation processes developed in the Biobío region in order to answer the question that if these were indeed binding for the political authority and therefore make effective the empowerment of the local community, using the documentary research  of the cases added to qualitative interviews with key informants. The conclusion is the existence of a triangle of synergistic factors for a model of participatory territorial democracy: this implies the design of a multi-stakeholder governance system with public, private and citizen intergovernmental cooperation; binding consultation processes as a form of direct democracy, and social empowerment in order to make visible subordinate subjects to be part of the decision-making agora of local and regional policies.

The article analyzes the cities of Oaxaca, during the period 2000-2017, conducting a study of the relationship between the use of the municipal revenues and sustainable local development, emphasizing the implementation of public management in the local governments. It uses a quantitative methodology through the collection of documented information from government institutions, and subsequently designing a database.  For the verification of the hypothesis proposed, they are applied descriptive and statistical methods and regression, they show a high association between the analyzed variables and therefor, they are considered sources of information for proposal of public policies with a localist vision aimed at strengthening local governments. 

The urban-housing issue is of great importance in determining poverty. Although the municipalities are the state level in charge of territorial regulation, the historical insufficiency of housing policies is strongly associated not only with the conditions, but with the capacities available in these areas.This work, supported by descriptive-explanatory post-doctoral research and case studies, investigates the strategic institutional capacities necessary in Argentine local governments for the design and management of comprehensive and sustainable housing policies, appropriate to existing needs. Minimum indicators are also proposed to account for them at the local level.Thus, the aim is to contribute to the improvement of urban-housing management capacities at the municipal level.

Abstract: although legal autonomy remains a pending issue in the political system of the Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina, economic aspects can also strongly condition it. In this work we will address the economic limitations to the autonomy of the municipalities through the increasing quantity of funds that the Province gives with specific assignation in theirs Budgets. We will identify the complex network of provincial norms that limit their economic competences and, consequently, decision-making capabilities. Either because they force or condition the direction of the funds, these types of regulations affect the powers, local public policies and capacities of municipal authorities. We conclude that the distribution criteria show great differences and strongly affect small municipalities with low collection capacity.