Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Reflection presented in this article seeks to explain and argue from some analytical categories of feminist philosophy how violence against women in systematic way through social Media triggers a vission distorted the reality of women, assuming their  vulnerability as something normal and natural conditions, increasing the level of violence towards these and preventing not only the achievement of full equality between the sexes, but  increasing information distorted about what it means to be women, offering them a stereotypical image and far from reality. It is then make some necessary and urgent reflections that allow review and eradicate violence against women in Social media through an educational process based on the principles of human rights, and finally, to understand the importance that they have these Social media to bring about changes in human behaviour at the service of equality, justice and the common good.

The article aims to analyze the factors that limit the exercise of rights of the migrated population in the city of Madrid (Spain) and how this generates degrees of violation and social exclusion. The theoretical framework is given by the contributions linked to the study of borders, human rights and international migration. Regarding the methodology, a qualitative approach was carried out in which semi-structured interviews to migrant people resident and technical persons from different municipal services who work with migrant population. residents of the city of Madrid. Los resultados muestran que, a pesar de la existencia de un amplio escenario de limitación o dificultad de acceso a los derechos fundamentales, el sujeto migrante se convierte en un sujeto político que redefine la noción de ciudadanía como estrategias de resistencia y reconocimiento de sus derechos.

The migratory processes of indigenous people to urban areas are translated into difficulties, mainly, for indigenous women due to a network of interlocking structures such as patriarchy and colonialism that result in discrimination, racism, exclusion and rejection due to factors such as gender, ethnicity and the socioeconomic class. The recognition of rights as a basic principle for the exercise of citizenship becomes a constant struggle for indigenous women in urban areas. Therefore, it is essential to know how the citizenship of indigenous women is exercised in migratory contexts in the Monterrey Metropolitan Zone (ZMM) and the Guadalajara Metropolitan Zone (ZMG). Through qualitative research tools, such as semi-standardized interviews with indigenous women presidents and / or participants of Civil Organizations of the ZMM and ZMG, it was recognized that despite the socio-political reconfigurations that cause changes in the role of Indigenous women in the city through access to the educational system or the appropriation of public spaces that dignify work and indigenous culture, discrimination and “machismo” continue to hinder the recognition of women in deciding about their life in general.

Starting in 2014, different Latin American countries signed agreements to receive the population affected by the conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The Project: "Strengthening international protection, reception and integration of refugees in Argentina", is aimed at supporting the Argentine State to improve the institutional capacity of the "Syria Program". Among its goals is to favor the process of social integration of beneficiary women and girls from actions that are sensitive to gender inequalities. The general objective of this work is to analyze the scope and challenges of this proposal. Its horizon is also to make a more general contribution regarding gender mainstreaming actions in resettlement programs due to forced migration in the Latin American region. Among the findings, it is considered as a possible improvement to move from a perspective that conceives women and girls as a special topic towards a transversal gender approach.

The Corona Virus came into our reality propelling some changes to which we have to adjust ourselves. On this subject, the World Health Organization proposed some regulations to stop the propagation of the virus, one of these regulations is to avoid crowded places due to the fact that this can create the perfect conditions for massive contagion. This regulation has to be obeyed, consequently we are restless about the situation of the detained immigrants, due to the fact that the actual conditions of confinement that they are going through are not suitable according to the recommendation of the World Health Organization. The acknowledgement of their right to have access to health and medical services is a central issue, because that´s what give the infected persons access to medical care, avoiding more contagion, and of course, provides more medical resources to prevent the spreading of the virus. Therefore, regardless of their migratory status, their right to health and medical care has to be preserved in order to avoid fatal consequences that could be more difficult to mend in the coming future.

The responsibility to protect as an international legal doctrine arises from the ethical imperatives of protecting the peoples of the world who may see their elementary human rights violated before the arbitrariness of the state machinery; Its constitution, elaboration and implementation from the multilateral organizations had the need to give a response to the systematic violations of Human Rights. However, the use of these mechanisms by the said international organizations has generated suspicions based on their geopolitical instrumentality about the end of the 20th century in the Rwandan genocide and in the intervention in Yugoslavia. For this reason, this paper will attempt to address the meanings used in the request for humanitarian intervention to Venezuela by NATO countries and refugees in Europe in order to understand the geopolitical instrumentality of this doctrine.

This essay analyses, from a latin-american point of view, and under regional studies approach, about the migration phenomena present in the core of the so called the old continent, where on one hand, the European Union signs international agreements about migration, and on the other hand, the Visegrad Group has consolidated an anti-immigrant policy that is becoming very strong together with xenofobic discourses. Pandemic of the virus SARS COV 2, and sickness provided -COVID 19- consolidates questioning about the already depleted integration within the European Union and have increased the attention on the Visegrad Group, which have already propped up, even before the pandemic, their political projects of systematic rejection of migration flows that arrive to their territories.

The present investigation tries to immerse itself in the debate on the constituent elements of the coup d'état, those characteristics present in a political phenomenon so that it can be classified as such and which has been called the lowest common denominator. The same was obtained by reviewing various definitions and observing the most recurrent elements that make up the concept: the actors, preconditions, legality factor, and role of violence, planning and development phase, and the results or consequences of the blows. The importance of determining the constituent elements is to move away from the conceptual "stretch" and want to conveniently catalog some acts of blows and others not. In all the work we rely on the methodological tools of conceptual history.

The presence and growth of women in global migration movements is as indisputable as the specificity of this phenomenon. In Venezuela, the growing political and economic instability has negatively impacted their perception, so that in recent years their migration pattern has been reversed. This document presents a brief contextualization of migratory trends, illustrates the approach of female migration when comparing the specific public policies of Ecuador and Venezuela and, finally, contemplates the risks and challenges that Venezuelan women face when joining chains for work care of the region; this with the purpose of analyzing the mobility of Venezuelan women. Among the conclusions is the intersection of inequalities in the imaginary and in power relations, which is why it is necessary to reconfigure them to guarantee our women true inclusion with justice and equity.