Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This article develops the role of the baselines for the delimitation of the maritimespaces of the States, according to the UNCLOS, as well as its importance for Peru and forthe demand of its legitimate claims before the International Court of Justice in the maritimedispute with Chile.

Diplomatic or political asylum is a relevant institution within the universalsystem of protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Although it is basicallyregulated in Latin America, there is also some practice in the rest of the world, even if inprinciple it is not granted legal recognition. In this sense, diplomatic asylum is acontribution made by Latin America, within the framework of International AmericanLaw, to International Human Rights and to International Law in general. Althoughdiplomatic asylum is granted on the grounds of political persecution, in the case of AlanGarcia, Uruguay has denied this asylum as there were no political crimes. The purposeof this article will be to introduce some basic concepts about diplomatic asylum and thecase of Alan Garcia, where it was denied asylum because it was an investigation forcommon crimes.

The article explains the operation of the International Center for Settlement ofInvestment Disputes between States and nationals of other States, taking into account theimportance of this center in the resolution of conflicts in Peru today.

Recently, there was an embargo on the necessary health materials toface the Covid-19 pandemic, to the detriment of Cuba, a country that faces58 years of blockade by the United States, which revealed regionalindifference as well as serious deficiencies in the way the inter-Americansystem has been conducted.

This article studies the definition of de iure statelessness contained in article 1, (1) ofthe Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons (1954) and criticizes the UNHCR’Sconcept of de facto statelessness.

The research presented aims to analyze the impact of the actorstransnational corporations in the alterations of the Brazilian anti-corruption state bureaucracy, throughthe guidelines established by the National Strategy for the Fight Against Corruption and Money Launderingof Capitals (National Strategy of Combat à Corrupção e à Lavagem de Ativos - ENCCLA).To this end, the text begins by addressing the global legal claim to prevent and combatcorruption that spreads widely, conditioning and influencing, from scenariostransnationals, state mechanisms for standardization, regulation and actionbureaucratic. In this sense, the evaluation of the actions of the National Strategy forCombat Corruption and Money Laundering (ENCCLA), in the period 2010-2020, points out theimpact of transnational actors in the bureaucratization of national instrumentsanti-corruption, highlighting a mutation in the rationality of behaviorsadministrative, legislative and judicial mechanisms to prevent and combat corruption.Finally, the predominance of bureaucratic files, of orientation, stands out.transnational, in relation to democratic discourse and internal social perceptions, whichthey attribute to the bureaucracy the heart of acts of corruption. For the development of thisresearch, the inductive method was used, operated by the techniques of operative concepts andBibliographic research.

Territoriality is an essential variable of relationshipsinternational and foreign policy. The territory, including its projectionmaritime, condition and influence relations between States. Thepower, strategic, political, economic-commercial relations and everythingtype of international interaction refers directly or indirectly to theNational space of the States. In this perspective, the dynamics ofcooperation and conflict they have in the territory and their material expressionsand legal, such as sovereignty, limits, borders, its areas of actionmore linked to national interests, conscience and identitynational. Their importance in international action gives them regulationsconstitutional laws that limit and regulate foreign policy decisionsreferred to these permanent national interests. Conflict is aprivileged dynamics of territoriality. Especially in their bondingwith the limits and factors that define national identity. The author analyzesall this problematic and links it to types of interstate conflict andvarious non-jurisdictional dispute settlement mechanisms, withan emphasis on the analytical description of the specificities of the negotiationterritorial.

In the current stage of Public International Law, access of the individual and organizedcivil society to international courts, just like participation in proceedings is a constant.In particular, through the institution of the amicus curiae, traditionally defined as the‘neutral bystander’ who voluntarily intervenes in a dispute, assisting the court in theresolution of the case. This definition has evolved at the international level, so that insome cases the intervention of amici has been allowed to have an interest in theoutcome of the procedures. However, the expression of interest is not expresslyregarded as a criterion for determining the admission or rejection of amicus curiae inthe rules of international criminal courts. In this sense, the Rome Statute of theInternational Criminal Court is no exception. For this reason, the present paper carriesout a normative and jurisprudential analysis of the legal effects arising from theexpression of interest in the pleadings submitted by civil society to the InternationalCriminal Court.

The text explores some basic ideas about the epistemology behind the theory ofStructural Realism, or Neorealism, by Kenneth Waltz. First, theproblem of descriptive interpretation of theories, particularly in the disciplineof International Relations, as well as certain critical conceptions that arise fromthis logic. Second, the formal structure of the theoretical programs is analyzedin general, with an emphasis on the theoretical structure of Structural Realism. The notion ofthe duality of international political phenomena is described as an elementcentral to the core of empirical laws and principles of theory, defining its purposeand establishing its scope and limitations. Finally, the last section explores thepredictive potential of international relations theories, elaborating acritical approach to these issues from the theory itself. Finally, theconclusions consider the contribution of Waltz's general theory onthe way of thinking theories and their importance for the discipline of RelationsInternationals.

The Binational Peru-Chile Cabinet held in July 2019 laid the possibility of broadening theborder space between the two countries, beyond the consolidated area shaped by Tacna andArica. The hypothesis to be tested is that a greater involvement of the contiguous regions ofMoquegua and Tarapaca in bilateral forums and an "expanded vision of the binational borderregion" –southern Peru-northern Chile, will promote mutual benefits for both countries, inspecific areas like tourism, prevention of transnational crimes, cultural, academic andeconomic relations, among others.