Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

The spread of infections of the SARS-CoV-2 virus that causes the COVID-19 disease in Argentina was followed by a series of situations that multiplied throughout the country where people suspected of having contracted the virus were victims of cruel accusations. In some cases, these were accompanied by threats, intimidation and / or complaints; in others, they involved direct violence against the person or their property. The horrifying painting caught the attention of the media of all scales, of some institutions linked to the treatment of surrounding issues and of some researchers such as who writes. In this brief and exploratory article I will share some provisional ideas based on a brief bibliographic review on the subject that seek to open questions about these phenomena. I would particularly like to focus on a specific event linked to the unequal capacities that different social groups have to face this type of situation. To do this, starting from a crossed procedure of medical and social metaphors, I will propose the category of moral immunity of people in order to think about an additional modality of social inequality in pandemic contexts.

This paper focuses on the first results obtained from the archaeological and historical analysis of the war technology used in the battlefield of Vuelta de Obligado. In this regard, this research will contribute with unveiling the strategies and tactics deployed in the battle that took place on 20th November 1845 between the Argentine Confederation and an Anglo-French fleet, during the Paraná War (1845-1846).

This paper deals with the analysis of the graphics on the surfaces of artifacts recovered in different archaeological sites of the Área Ecotonal Húmedo Seca Pampeana (AEHSP), corresponding to the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina Republic. This study is carried out from a perspective of the archaeology of the image and the anthropology of art, also considered their treatment within the framework of the historiography of Argentinean archaeology. These artifacts with plastic representations have been classified as belonging to a category of archaeological pieces included with the term of "mobile" or "portable art ". The analyzed materials, which were recovered in stratigraphic context, on surface or are part of collections of local museums; are compared according to certain variables relative to the location of the sites, the context of discovery, the assigned chronology, references expressed in superficial representations (figurative, geometric) and the interpretations derived from its study. Elaborate interpretations are oriented to hypothesis which postulated the spelling as signs identity within group affiliation systems with spatial link; either they would integrate visual codes shared within the framework of specific flow of information networks.

This article analyzes, from a socio-anthropological perspective, the role of territoriality in the representation and definition of “being a peasant” of the members of the Movimiento Campesino de Santiago del Estero - Vía Campesina (MOCASE-VC) belonging to a rural area of ​​the Quimilí Central. For this reason, it focuses on identity markers, related to the notion of territory, arising from public discourses of the movement associated with demands and proclamations such as: environmental justice, food sovereignty, agroecology and agrarian reform. Also, these “flags of struggle” are analyzed through personal narratives recovered in the context of the in-depth interview with the aim of accounting for the networks of relationships, practices and discourses that make up the “peasant identity” among the members of the MOCASE-VC.

This work gives account of the actions carried out by the Government of the State of Querétaro(México) in the face of the arrival and spread of the Spanish Influenza to the entity. The reactions of municipal governments and some other actors, such as the Higher Health Council, are also shown.The oficial information, coming from the Executive Fund, Chronological Section, from 1918, is contrasted with what was recorded by the chronicler Valentín Frías. Both versions allow us to measure the impact of the pandemic both in economic and demographic terms in the State of Querétaro.

Luis Pincén. Homenaje

In this work we will try to answer four questions: What records exist of the epidemics that ravaged Pampa, Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego from the Conquest and Colonization to the first decade of the 20th century? What were the behaviors adopted to mitigate the pests? What vectors caused and facilitated them? What factors contributed to its spread? What effects did it have on demographics? We have carried out a non-exhaustive review of the available testimonies with the aim of transforming them into sources of historical knowledge about the impact of health emergencies on indigenous peoples.

In all pre-industrial communities, regardless of general patterns of marriage and fertility, social and political events could have a considerable effect on the mortality of populations. When governments were far-sighted and careful to buy and store grain in the super-production years, they could do much to mitigate the effects of a poor harvest. On the other hand, long wars could decimate populations, in addition, armies spread many diseases, mainly typhus and venereal diseases, and as they moved they spread them to large areas. The war, moreover, separated men from the land, thus reducing food production to a greater extent than a poor harvest would. War meant having to pay heavy taxes to the state and money was usually taken from those who needed it most to weather a bad harvest.

El trabajo trata sobre la epidemia tal vez más mencionada de Europa: la famosa Peste Negra. Analizan este acontecimiento encuadrándolo en un fenómeno histórico más amplio, la crisis del siglo XIV, establecen las causas de la rápida difusión de la pestilencia, vinculada con los intercambios comerciales, y los devastadores efectos en distintas regiones de la Península Ibérica, así como la recuperación posterior a la epidemia.

El 19 de diciembre de 1867 llegó el cólera a Chivilcoy. Ese día se anotó en la Iglesia Nuestra Señora del Rosario el fallecimiento de Bernardo Mugica, de 38 años, residente de Chacabuco y fue la primera inscripción en la que se consignó la enfermedad