Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This text presents and analyzes some spaces, relationships and meanings of anonymous sex between men in Mexico, particularly in their capital city. The objective is not only descriptive, but analytical, trying to understand how two apparently contradictory meanings can coexist: on the one hand, the transgressive alternative of moral and sexual norms; and on the other, how heteronormative order is reaffirmed with them, where pleasure and power are present in forms of domination, abuse, discrimination or transgression. It is an interpretation of this practice from social considerations, local history and individual subjectivity, which is not intended to show a meaning behind the anonymous sex of homosexual men in Mexico, but to reflect on precisely the complex universe of meanings that determine. It is intended to contribute to the discussion of the topic, providing data and research experiences, where it is necessary to rethink the so-called “dominant model of the understanding of homoeroticism among men” (See Núñez Noriega, 2001), since it is not a question of unique or identical phenomenon, but of one with a great variety of possible meeting places, very diverse practices among also diverse subjects, that interact under equally varied referents or imaginary, but that together, create or recreate shared interpretations. Under this dynamic perspective of significance, I will resume the concept of “figurations” proposed by Norbert Elías (1999), to highlight the processes in this practice.

The aim of this article is the analysis of the links established between the process of constructing the identity of lesbian women with the public space as a site of resignification of their personal and social identity, trying to integrate the exchange they make of their own meanings with those of the environment, during the stages of growth, self-nomination and confrontation of social norms. The methodology is the biographical approach, with the technique of the life stories of seven women. The results of the research aim to understand the relationship between identity, social recognition and its relationship with the public space, as bases for identification as lesbians of the participating women.

The question to begin: How is it possible to think dynamic interceptions between bodies, signs and spaces? Introduction presents, Foucault, Halperin and Witting dialogue exercise in order to clarify that sexuality device is heterogeneous in its heterogeneity of displays. The second part briefly describes the genealogy of the elaboration of techno-gender concept within transfeminism. This allows to build a lectern to enable the thinking of heteronormative sexuality device, configured by somatopolitic fictions held in segregative categories, which bases are devices verification, body techniques, government regimes, and architectural designs of spaces, where binary gender (Men/Women) is the effect of technologies that produce contextually situated subjects. The third part axis is the study of Foucalt’s panopticon in Guard and punish; with some ideas of Lacan, Allouch and Preciado to argue why panoptic surveillance of genders is considerate urinary segregation. Conclusion gathers ideas about segregation problem whose basis is binary thinking, with the invitation to approach the minority befall of bodies and the critical study of the scientific-technical discourses of modernity.

From 1973 to 1985 a civic-military dictatorship took place in Uruguay. During that period many people suffered the consequences of the regime’s violence, such as persecution, incarceration, torture and assassination. During that period, trans women were subject to persecution by the agents of the regime, who considered them a moral and social degradation, unqualified lives that had to be contained and marginalized since they could not find place in their political project and to a large extent they were a threat to it. This article aims to account for the violence suffered by trans women in that period. It is based on testimonies of people who performed sex work in the street during the last Uruguayan dictatorship. The study situates the violence of the State towars the trans women as part of the State terrorism.

The monograph that we present here has as its starting point the adventure of creating a proposal for working together, each one from their training and experience and from our meeting in Mexico City (2018) during the IV International Congress on Sexual Diversity Studies in Latin America (CIEDSI). At that time the concern was born to materialize the idea in a special issue in the Journal of the Ibero-American Laboratory for the Sociohistorical Study of Sexualities (RELIES) dedicated to the study of public space and sexuality from various angles and approaches.

In this article I propose a dialogic meeting between perspectives of the feminist movement and the collective of people with disabilities. The text outlines two analytical movements: first, it places the premises “lo personal es político” and “poner el cuerpo” in relation to political action in the public space of the collective of people with disabilities; and second, it addresses the slogan “nada sobre nosotros sin nosotros” in relation to the spaces and forms of action of the feminist movement. Two ethnographic situations experienced by the author in the course of her fieldwork in the cities of Montevideo and Buenos Aires, are taken as material for the development of the article.

This paper addresses, from the perspective of ethnosexuality, the analysis of the narratives and stories of trans people in the context of a society that contemplates the existence of multiple genders: the Zapotecs of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, in Mexico, in order to identify the main characteristics of this society. The findings found underscore the flexibility and plasticity of these ethnic transbinary categories that transcend binary models and that enable the existence of institutionalized social spaces for their own and socially recognized non-binary gender identities.

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The right not to suffer discrimination requires that people who choose to engage in sex work in order to meet their economic needs receive full recognition of their employment and labour rights. This includes prostitution. In this field, however, Spanish labour courts do not adhere to the protective spirit of Labour Law. Instead, they add to the vulnerability of prostitutes by denying them protection. To this end, they apply criteria that are not always strictly legal, relying on wilful arguments that often disregard the law. The result is the discrimination of prostitutes, a collective historically subject to persecution, as no reasonable argument is provided to justify their pejorative differential treatment. The protection of women as a whole -in terms of gender equality-; the need to overcome the social “nuisances”  prostitution causes; the need to fight against human trafficking; the alleged desire to defend prostitutes’ dignity -while paradoxically harming it, as prostitutes are treated as minors-; appealing to these aims, and depriving prostitutes of rights as a means to reach them, does not pass the proportionality test (suitability, necessity and balancing tests) unequal treatment must meet to be considered non-discriminatory. The underlying consideration is that, despite human rights’ universal character, prostitutes cannot be regarded as their holders.

In Spain the exercise of sex work is not regulated. Although the neo-abolitionist model, which fully identifies human trafficking and prostitution and punishes exploitative behaviour in prostitution and the consumption of sexual services, has triumphed at the political level, has only been apparently adopted at a normative level. Under criminal law, prostitution and the exploitation of the prostitution of others are punishable, even with the consent of the prostituted person, if that person is of age, along with the facilitation of the prostitution of minors and disabled persons in need of special protection, in addition to the purchase of services of a sexual nature and the consumption of pornography only when they are provided by minors or disabled. However, the massive approval of civic ordinances in Spain from the new millennial meant the adoption of a soft prohibitionist model, since most of these sanction the offering of sexual services in the street, imposing fines on both sex workers and sexually exploited persons themselves. The adoption of this prohibitionist model has been reinforced with the approval of the Gag Law, which also ends up sanctioning sex workers who offer themselves on the street. The application of these norms is leading to the criminalization of street sex work, without adequately addressing the cases of sexual exploitation and without offering, at the same time, a legal alternative to the practice of sex work.