Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This article is the result of an investigation that sought to investigate the forms of politicization of dissident sexual and gender identities in inner cities in the countries of Uruguay and Argentina. This text gathers some of the findings obtained and aims to analyze how disident identities are politicized by subjects in different parts of the city of Rivera (Uruguay). We start by asking ourselves how, in a context of legal guarantees for this population, as is the case in Uruguay, the subjects organize their identity experience, what spatial and symbolic boundaries we can find, and how they affect these in the trajectories of people in their daily lives and particularly in the enjoyment of their rights. The methodology used, of a qualitative nature, articulates the conduct of in-depth interviews and participant observation, with an ethnographic perspective. The findings found show how the ways to politicize identities on the part of the subjects are not homogeneous but oscillating, bordering. It is also observed how are reproduce, in city locations, exclusive and unequal sociosexual imaginaries based in cissexual and heterosexual order that limits the exercise of human rights.

This article aims to generate a reflection on homoerotic practices among men in the "last car" of the Mexico City subway. It is proposed to describe and understand the process of appropriation of space and the construction of complicity pacts between user-men. In this work, the "last subway car" is seen as a collective space of social meanings around sexuality and body, homoerotic practices and diversity.

The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the ‘war of data’ on prostitution brought on by scholars, politicians, NGOs and the media. This paper also tackles the misleading wordings and realities in place, which significantly shake the empirical and conceptual foundations of abolitionism, thereby challenging abolitionist claims. As will be shown below, the abolitionist approach is flawed by four fallacies: the statistical fallacy, the phenomenological fallacy, the deductive fallacy and the deterrence fallacy. Therefore, we can conclude that there is no empirical evidence that abolishing prostitution would eradicate, or at least decrease, human trafficking for the purposes of sexual exploitation.

In this article I analyze the necessary condition of association between bodies and objects of consumption as a way to make viable the representation of groups dissidents from cisheteronormativity. Through phenomenological analysis based on facts and public events in Berlin, I problematize the precarious condition of dissident bodies and identities when individualized by relations with other subjects, or even when disassociated from objects in the aesthetic scope of material and urban culture arising from Modernity. Dissident representation in the public sphere tends to become unviable due to the hegemonic condition of heterosexual desires. However, when this multitude of dissident bodies associates with objects and consumer goods, a tenuous field of possible negotiations and visibilities opens up. Thus, in addition to the conformation of assemblies between dissident bodies to make their social representations visible, this association is usually linked to the aesthetics of the contemporary cultural industry as a means of negotiating their appearances through their fetishized bodies, involving pleasure and profit.

This article aims to discuss the tensions that coexist in feminist discourses, in relation to sex work and the commercialization of sex performed by cis-gender women, deepening in particular the existing discourses in the public sphere in Uruguay. Considering the classic debate between abolitionism and regulationism, it is made a recount of its main tensions and characteristics in the feminist movement of our country After reviewing the Uruguayan scenario, a strong tension is verified between the use of the concept of autonomy and sex work, both in international debates and in the Uruguayan case. It deepens in this sense by incorporating an analysis from the perspective of the "relational self", which places the debate from a novel point of view for the aforementioned antagonistic positions.

In the field of law, the sexed body of women - cis and trans and transvestites - is made up of a multiplicity of elements and categories - criminal, reproductive, transgressor, victimized - that organize power relations and question the alleged univocity of the legal system. It is not enough just to criticize the legal prohibitions, but it is necessary to analyze them as an expression that produces provisional and contradictory power relations. In particular in this text, the methods of silencing by (neo)abolitionist will be addressed in the face of complaints by sex workers about the material and symbolic effects of anti-trafficking policies and the criminalization of the client.

This essay discusses the aphorism “without clients, there is no trafficking” that is defended by a wide sector of the movement for the abolition of the sexual commerce. In the first part, we will approach the genealogy of the abolitionist discourse around human trafficking, going through the different episodes that contributed to stabilizing the dominant interpretation of this reasoning. In the second part, we will analyze the empirical evidence that supports it, which is based on the neo-abolitionist model that was implanted in Sweden at the beginning of this century. Finally, in the third part, it will be argued, through the developments of critical criminology, that this argument will be of neoliberal and punitive rationalities.

On 11/09/2019 the University of A Coruña (UDC) cancelled a debate on sex work, thus giving in to the attitudes of "strong rejection, harassment and cruelty" it had triggered.  Abolitionist activists had denounced the initiative, under the hashtag #UniversitywithoutProstitution (#UniversidadSinProstitución), as part of a strategy led by the "pimp lobby". About one month later, on 18/10/2019, 22 Spanish universities announced a series of academic events that, under the hashtag #UniversityWithoutCensorship (#UniversidadSinCensura), aimed to open a free debate on sex work nationwide, one that would shed light on it and, crucially, give voice to the protagonists themselves. This monographic issue is part of that debate. Debates on sex work are not only academic, but also social and political. Nor are they novel, or based on a single feminist standpoint. They have been part of the Spanish feminist movement during almost fifty years, from its beginnings in the 1970s to the present day. There they have tried to overcome the dichotomy pleasure/danger and recognise diversity and sexual freedom, rejecting stigmatization, censorship and the prohibition of rights. This article aims to offer a brief review of these debates, thus showing their openness and the plurality of ideas and proposals presented in them until today. It also reflects on the current challenges faced by the feminist movement in a context of increasing national and global conservatism.

The history of repressive international policies to control contemporary migratory flows, of unqualified economic immigration, emerged with the management, within the League of Nations, of the intra-European and transcontinental exodus of European prostitutes from the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, called "white slave trade". The analysis of the documentation recorded in the Archives of the League of Nations has made it possible to examine the keys to the international political agendas on human trafficking that were forged at the mercy of that migration reality of women. They reveal significant substantive issues: the shaping of an ideology that takes prostitution as a hostage to a discourse on trafficking in human beings, aimed at disabling adult women in the area of voluntary paid sexual services, as a measure to eradicate prostitution as a job opportunity that facilitates migration. Given that today the migratory flows of unqualified and impoverished cadres will not cease because the factors that drive them have the vocation of permanence, the old political discourse returns today to its steps: sex work is once again placed in the paradigm of a concept of trafficking in human beings understood as a tool for containing "annoying" migratory flows, on a reductionist and speculative basis that seeks the same objective: we must "avoid the idea that prostitution can be a solution for migrant women in Europe" (European Parliament resolution of 26 February 2014). We will analyze in detail the keys of this discourse and its impact today.

The aim of this study is to raise awareness about the acts of violence perpetrated towards people who engage in prostitution in the Region of Murcia, emphasising the importance of the collectives who are responsible for. The starting point hypothesis is that health, working conditions and social relationships of sex workers are determined by the organisation of violences’ series practised by different social agents. The methodology is based on a series of semi-directed interviews in which two dissimilar perspectives have been takin into account: nine sex workers and seven experts in investigation and straightforward intervention with sex workers. Furthermore, for the analysis of the results, the content was organized attending to the different groups who were identified as responsible of the violent acts: sanitary professionals, social services professionals, politicians, law enforcement agents, feminist segments, sex industry businessmen, clients, researchers, media, relatives, partners, ex-partners, friends and others in charge.