Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Introduction.  This paper contributes to the research on teacher burnout by distinguishing between two aspects of work demands that are usually merged in the “workload” construct: the quantity of the demands (quantitative demands) and the cognitive effort they require (cognitive demands). Such a distinction may offer insight into how educational administrators should manage certain types of work demands.   Method.  In an international sample of 209 kindergarten, primary and lower secondary teachers working in 110 schools from four different countries (Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, and Spain), we administered the Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI) and the Copenhagen Psychosocial Questionnaire II (COPSOQII). We conducted three separate multiple regressions in which the work conditions (COPSOQII) were set (forced entry) as predictors of emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and personal accomplishment (MBI). Results.  We found that quantitative and cognitive demands predict teacher burnout differently: while quantitative demands predict emotional exhaustion and depersonalization, cognitive demands play a protective role in relation to those two components and also predict personal accomplishment. Additionally, we found that emotional demands positively predict emotional exhaustion and depersonalization, and negatively predict personal accomplishment. We also foud that support from colleagues and community positively predicts personal accomplishment, but shows no significant relationship with either emotional exhaustion or depersonalization. Discussion and Conclusion. Results suggest that the distinction between the quantity of demands and the cognitive effort they require is meaningful and important for future research and practice in the field of teaching. One important implication for educational administration is that the quantity of work assigned to teachers should be kept relatively low but, at the same time, this work should be cognitively activating and demanding.

Introducción.  Los dispositivos inteligentes han llegado para quedarse, convirtiéndose en el medio de socialización por excelencia, en el instrumento fundamental en la adolescencia para comunicarse y relacionarse con el mundo. Si bien es cierto que este tipo de dispositivos ofrecen innumerables ventajas, es necesario ser conscientes de que entrañan riesgos y amenazas si no se emplean de manera adecuada.  Uno de estos peligros es la transmisión de la desigualdad de género reforzando las estructuras sociales y culturales vigentes y provocando nuevos tipos de violencia patriarcal. Este estudio pretende conocer las conductas de violencia de género ejercidas por los y las adolescentes en entornos virtuales y comprobar si existen diferencias significativas en función de las variables sexo y curso. Método. Se llevó a cabo un estudio ex post facto descriptivo de corte transversal en el que participaron 615 adolescentes con edades comprendidas entre los 14 y los 18 años. El instrumento utilizado en la investigación fue un cuestionario elaborado ad hoc para el estudio.  Resultados.  Los resultados muestran que las conductas de violencia de género en entornos virtuales son realizadas en mayor medida por los varones, excepto aquellas conductas relacionadas con los mitos del amor romántico, una de las tipologías de violencia de género reconocida por las personas expertas en el ámbito, que son llevadas a cabo mayoritariamente por mujeres. También se observa que este tipo de conductas son más realizadas por el alumnado de 4º curso de ESO. Discusión y conclusiones.  Los resultados de este estudio ponen en evidencia la necesidad de llevar a cabo intervenciones educativas que permitan prevenir la violencia de género en entornos virtuales, así como diseñar medidas de tratamiento debido, sobre todo, a los efectos perjudiciales de este tipo de conductas en la adolescencia.

Introducción.  La toma de decisiones tiene un papel relevante en la educación secundaria. El alumnado ha de realizar toma de decisiones académicas de gran trascendencia para su futuro durante este proceso educativo y, para lo cual, ha de tomar conciencia de su importancia y ha de prepararse para ello. Método.  El objetivo de este trabajo es validar una escala, diseñada ad hoc, para evaluar las dimensiones emocional, cognitiva y social que intervienen en un proceso de toma de decisiones. Con este fin se aplicó la escala a una muestra de 519 estudiantes de 4º de ESO (Educación Secundaria Obligatoria) y 2º de Bachillerato. Se calculó su fiabilidad mediante el Alfa de Cronbach, la validez a través de un análisis factorial exploratorio y la correlación de Pearson para conocer la relación entre los factores y las dimensiones de la escala. Resultados. Los resultados muestran que la dimensión emocional es la que más peso tiene en el proceso de toma de decisiones. La escala presenta unos niveles aceptables de fiabilidad y validez para evaluar las dimensiones que intervienen en el proceso de toma de decisiones en el alumnado de secundaria. Discusión y conclusiones.  La escala es un instrumento útil y adecuado para medir las dimensiones emocional, cognitiva y social de la toma de decisiones y puede ser una herramienta válida como elemento de diagnóstico y evaluación de la toma de decisiones académica y profesional en la educación secundaria. Esta escala muestra unas propiedades psicométricas aceptables, que le hace un instrumento confiable y de fácil aplicación.

Introduction. Children’s behavior is influenced by parenting. This study aimed to assess the effect of the Parents Raising Safe Kids (ACT) program on parenting practices among parents with children between 3 and 5 years of age. Method. The study consists of a quasi-experimental design, and it used a sample of 65 parents between the ages of 21 and 43 years, of which 18 constituted the study group and 27 made up the control group. The Parenthood Questionnaire (MPQ) and the Multifactorial Survey of Indicators (MICS) were the instruments used for the assessment before and after the program, respectively. Results. The results reveal that the post-test scores in the experimental group were higher than the pre-test scores, demonstrating the effect of the ACT program at a statistical and practical level in the parenting practices of monitoring, discipline, verbal punishment, communication, and physical punishment (p < 0.05). Discussion and conclusions. The ACT program was able to improve parenting practices for parents with children aged 3–5. Thus, we suggest the implementation of the program analyzed to improve parenting to raise children who demonstrate appropriate behaviors when relating to others.

In recent decades, Argentina intensified trade and diplomatic relations with China. Despite the switch in foreign policy resulting from the change in president of 2015, China kept its place in our system of international alliances. These continuities reveal the existence of socio-economic interests that transcend the political or ideological stances of each administration. With the aim of revealing these interests, this article seeks to reconstruct the positions taken by the Argentine business community with respect to the Sino-Argentine bilateral relationship between 2016 and 2019, and their influence on foreign policy. Drawing on the theoretical-methodological contributions of the school of international political economy (IPE), we will analyze the statements and actions of Argentina's main business organizations and their impact on foreign relations, contrasting the information obtained with statistical data regarding bilateral trade between the two countries.

The Russian Federation uses two tools to facilitate and extend its influence in the Slavic post-Soviet sphere: the “Russian World,” and its twin idea “Slavic brotherhood.” The first tool is expressed in two ways: first, protection of Russian minorities in an area that Russia considers its sphere of influence (Transnistria in Moldova, South Ossetia and Abkhazia in Georgia, or Crimea and Donbas in Ukraine). Second, Russia denies the national character of certain states, such as Belarus and Ukraine. Instead, both are defined as Russians, or ways of being Russian. In either case, the consequence is that Russia reserves its right to (military) intervention to protect the Russian minorities. Regarding the second tool, Slavic brotherhood, this construct is applied to other peoples who are not considered by the Kremlin to be Russians, but fellow Slavs. This is the case of Serbia, dealt with in this paper. Perpetuating the myth of “Slavic Brotherhood” allows Russia—particularly since the Kosovan war—to increases its influence in large sectors of Serbian public opinion.

This article focuses on the vast number of people who make global governance happen. It probes the role of the unknown people in the “middle” who are largely absent from scholarly gaze: professionals, service teams, and others who act behind the scenes. They are not at the top of public and private organizations (“global governors” in the literature), but they keep the lights on. They accomplish the policy, operational, and support work to move the needle of global governance institutions of all varieties from the local to global. These largely invisible and unheard populations — at least in the scholarly and policy literatures — make global governance work. The “missing middle” is not confined to the everyday contributions of professionals in intergovernmental secretariats because contemporary global governance is not synonymous with international organization, but concerns networked forms of public authority that may or may not include secretariats or states.

This article offers a broad perspective on the various occasions in which the prd participated in the presidential elections between 1988 and 2018. Thirty long years in which thanks to a process of political change it was possible to promote a transformation in the electoral and party system in Mexico. These changes, in turn, allowed the prd to be a competitive party and, on more than one occasion, a contender for the presidency. This article also has the purpose of showing the successes and mistakes that this left party committed in the presidential elections where it participated and, also, to exhibit the illegal interventions by the different formal and factual actors with the intention of preventing the prd from reaching the presidency.