Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This article explores the debates about the use of the category civic-military dictatorship in Argentina. The starting hypothesis is that this notion contributes to building common sense about the dictatorship but also about democracy. The work aims to analyze which images of the past are enabled and which are silenced based on the use of this notion and identify which narratives about the past and the present emerge from the different positions at stake. To do this, we carry out a critical reading of some founding texts and put them in dialogue with «political» texts about the dictatorship, contemporary and even prior to those, to question the meaning effects of the uses of this category in the present.

This research associates a theoretical dimension -the study of political identities- with an empirical dimension linked to the characteristics of the collective identity of the Radical Civic Union and, in particular, to one of its central aspects, the cleavage between political-administrative honesty and corruption. The hypothesis guiding this research is based on a central assumption: the hyperinflationary crisis of 1989 and the anticipated withdrawal of the Alfonsín government were far from constituting a checkmate to radical identity. The aim is to show that it was, above all, from the Pact of Olivos and the truncated experience of the UCR-FREPASO government, where the keys to the decline of radical identity can be traced; a strong identity that had been anchored for more than a century in the social imaginary of Argentines in correlation with the defense of political democracy and republican honesty.

El presente artículo propone analizar los procesos de inserción laboral y la configuración de experiencias desiguales en el mundo del trabajo en jóvenes egresados del nivel secundario en la ciudad de La Plata, durante el período 2013-2019. Desde una perspectiva    metodológica cualitativa analizamos setenta y ocho entrevistas en profundidad a varones y mujeres de 18 a 24 años de edad y registros de observaciones participantes. A partir de allí recuperamos y analizamos tres dimensiones que intervienen en las inserciones laborales (el lugar de las redes sociales, la finalización de la escuela secundaria y la configuración de clasificaciones morales e interaccionales), concluyendo en la importancia de un abordaje multidimensional de la desigualdad social en el análisis de las primeras experiencias laborales de los jóvenes.

This paper aims to analyze the variations in the political importance of the Central Única de los Trabajadores (CUT) from 2003 -when the Partido de los Trabajadores took over the national government-, to 2018 -when Michel Temer’s government ended-. All this is approached from the perspective of collective action and from the analysis of significant political processes for the period: the «Foro nacional del trabajo» -National Labour Forum- (2004-2008), the «Jornadas de Junio» -June Journeys- (2013), the «Ley de terciarización laboral» –Law on tertiarization of labour- (2015) y the «Reforma Laboral» –Labour reform- (2017). The main hypothesis is that the change in the political importance of the CUT is explained by its relationship with the PT. Thus, two stages have been identified: the 2004-2011 period of strong gravity and the 2013-2018 period of weak political gravity. In both periods, the political strategy of the CUT did not change substantially, combining institutional involvement with social mobilization. However, what changed was the political performance of the party in power, which had its peak during lulismo and then decline and crisis during the terms of Dilma Rousseff.

This article presents an approach to the main controversies, pending issues and institutional learning after 20 years of exploitation of the Bajo de la Alumbrera mine. Such venture is the most emblematic to understand the mining development model in Argentina and unresolved issues for the new Agua Rica mining project. The analysis is based on literature review and documentation. Findings indicate that there are notorious deficits in access to official public information (at project and sector levels) on socio-economic and environmental impacts as well as on state controls and results. At the provincial level, there are lessons learned in accountability for the use of royalties and greater mining-environmental control. However, an unresolved key issue is the state's recognition of the existence of socio-technical controversies around issues such as pollution generated by the tailings dam, health impacts or complaints of tax evasion and avoidance.

La historiografía de los años sesenta y setenta en la Argentina ha recorrido ampliamente el fenómeno de la violencia política. Este artículo trata sobre un asunto colindante: el de la conformación de equipos técnicos peronistas a partir del año 1970. Se aborda específicamente el caso del Consejo de Planificación del Movimiento Nacional Justicialista (CPMNJ), el más temprano y oficial entre ellos. Se examina el vínculo mantenido entre el secretario general del CPMNJ, Leopoldo Frenkel, y el líder exiliado Juan Domingo Perón; se analizan los avatares de este grupo técnico en el marco del juego político local del justicialismo; y se reconstruye su membresía y sus áreas de intervención política y profesional. A través de la reconstrucción histórica de las redes de técnicos reunidos en torno a este think tank, el trabajo destaca la presencia de prácticas políticas moderadas e institucionalistas entre los actores del peronismo de los setenta.

En este artículo analizamos las políticas públicas participativas en el marco de una reflexión sobre los condicionamientos de la escala en la representación ciudadana de lo público como lo común. Utilizamos como casos de estudio el Presupuesto Participativo General y el Presupuesto Participativo Joven de la ciudad de Gualeguaychú (Entre Ríos). En términos metodológicos, es un trabajo cualitativo apoyado fundamentalmente con fuentes primarias mediante entrevistas en profundidad a actores clave y la observación directa durante las asambleas populares de los dispositivos. Las fuentes secundarias utilizadas son principalmente de tipo documental y bibliográfico. La hipótesis del artículo es que la escala mayor incide positivamente en la representación ciudadana de lo público como lo común. En sentido inverso, a medida que la escala disminuye el carácter común propio de lo público se fragmenta.

This paper is a revision of the female correctional project managed by Buen Pastor’s congregation in Córdoba at the end of XIX century and the beginning of XX century, from a descolonial feminism perspective. Focusing specifically on the wide range of subjectivities that inhabited Cárcel Correccional de Mujeres y Asilo de Menores del Buen Pastor and on correcting strategies, such as job training, I identified relations that allow to spot a gender colonial arrangement that aimed at securing domination and assuring hegemony. Underlying fictions of race, gender and class in this society were identified through the implementation of colocación and weaving of actors that is implied.

The article addresses two reformist experiences that took shape in the province of Santa Fe during the interwar period. Both the constitution (1921) sanctioned by a convention that took place during the radical period and the Education Law (1934) promulgated by the progressive-democratic government, promoted a new onslaught of secularism in a province whose legislation established religious education. We will inquire the bets on a liberal horizon that, although they had fleeting validity, exposed the flexible components of a threshold of secularization. The study allows to place in relevance the political cultures that settle the sense of projects and actions of the actors in various political scenarios. In addition, those political bets put into discussion the border that some interpretations erect around the year 1930. The analysis of diaries of sessions, press and educational publications exposes a network that articulates various protagonists around these issues.

From the second half of the 20th century there was a progressive expansion in the goods included in the phrase "cultural heritage" including those intangible elements such as customs or significant testimonies of a culture. The Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (UNESCO 2003) defines the areas of intangible manifestations and establishes the inventory as an essential legal tool of protection. In Argentina, the inventory and the declaration have been used in the field of historical-artistic heritage since the 1940s. From the analysis of a set of norms, jurisprudence, and intangible heritage surveys conducted at the provincial and national level is it possible to systematize the current state of the legal regime of intangible heritage in this country. This work seeks to record the legal status of intangible heritage in Argentina from the traces that can be traced in the legislation and jurisprudence of recent years.