Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

El libro reseñado trata el tema de la gestión de los cuerpos muertos en las épocas moderna y contemporánea, y tiene un gran interés desde el punto de vista histórico, antropológico y sociológico.

Abstract The objective of this text is to introduce the thought of Temístocles Cavalcanti and Mem de Sá and their appropriation of the corporatism proposed in the first half of the 20th Century by the French Roger Bonnard, in the current debates in Brazil on the subject. In this way, we seek to go beyond the classic discussions on the work of Oliveira Viana and Azevedo Amaral and their readings of the Romanian Mikhail Manoilesco. Considering the scarcity —or perhaps, the nonexistence— of other studies on this subject, the present work is divided into three clearly marked parts on the thought of each of these authors, which will be presented as follows: 1) a brief doctrinal synthesis of Bonnard; 2) an analysis of the appropriation of his ideas by Themistocles Cavalcanti and Mem de Sá; and 3) the proposals of the latter to apply these ideas to the Brazilian case. The question we aim to answer is: would this be a Brazilian-style corporatism, an alternative to the hegemonic influence of Manoilesco?

Abstract The Democrats and Republicans of Jaén initiated numerous social, cultural, political and economic initiatives to politicize the popular and working classes of the province and to encourage them join the Republican cause, the cause of democracy. However, these practices were not welcomed by the monarchist sectors, and far from favoring the political participation of the opposition groups and the development of the citizens’ rights, they retreated on themselves, and they exercised all type of violence and abuses against the republicans. This text highlights the difficulties these sectors encountered in carrying out their project and their policy initiatives.

Abstract Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, author of Roots of Brazil, has been interpreted by his critics as one of main intellectual thinkers of the proccess to brazilian national construction. During the last years, his critical fortune revisited the book to start a reevaluation of its political message. In this perspective, the analysts emphasized the need to analyze the author’s revision after the second edition of the text, an aspect that, until that moment, was outside the political arguments mobilized by its interpreters of social sciences.  As a part of this set of new research, this article has the main objective of discussing the contemporary historiographic-political production that is dedicated to explain changes made in Roots of Brazil, in order to problematize the classifications of the text according to liberal-democratic political visions, radical-democratic or, more recently, readings that attribute positions that approach the conservative-authoritarianism of the 1930s. We intend to show that proposing an explanation of the reasons that guided the revision of the original 1936 version of this classic text requires advancing beyond the orbit of political arguments, since, rather than defining the essence of its original edition and thinking in the possibility of defining also its revised and «final» versions, what matters, above all, is to understand the logic of the movement that this revision gave to the construction of the discourse that emanates from it, once it is considered one of the key texts to interpret this country.

Abstract This paper analyses the role of the Seamstresses Trade Union from Buenos Aires, conceived by the Argentinian Catholic Action (ACA) between its origins and the arrival of First Peronism. Through Social History and Gender Studies this article is focused on Female Catholic Action strategies over the working environments. Also, it researches the proselytism that Catholic women did against women workers from the textile industry among this period. Furthermore, the article presents gender archetypes and femininity ideal from the Catholic culture in Argentina, which outperform the social class of Catholics leaders and the seamstresses. Finally, this paper shows an approach to the campaign in defence of the «Ley de Trabajo a Domicilio», led by the ACA. Conclusions shows that these speeches where in perfect accordance with Peronism and Social Catholicism gender representations.

Abstract The emergence of a recent literature on social attitudes reflects a new sensitivity on the part of researchers on the multiple vectors of resistance activity that always exist in any society. The aim of this article is to develop the concept of resistance and to make its use more complex through some categories, such as «endogenous resistance» and «exogenous resistance». To carry out this study, it is intended to analyze the social attitudes of ordinary people in the field of production and consumption of texts. The social attitudes of Spaniards during the postwar period reveal the complex relationships built up during the first Franco period in the cultural and literary fields. Thus, the interactions between citizens and the regime were variable and ambiguous, and antithesis references, such as victims and executioners, must be questioned. Through the examination of the book’s policies, this article aims to point out the attitudes of ordinary people, whose daily practices of indiscipline were often a barrier to the development of the cultural project of the dictatorship.

Abstract This article aims to reflect on readings that Argentine lawyers made about the emergence of political institutions in some Interwar Europeans countries. The body of professors and scholars analyzed in this article delivered classes in the Law School of the University of Buenos Aires, in the National University of La Plata and in the National University of Córdoba.  Through an unexplored corpus of sources, such as the Journal of the University of Buenos Aires’ School of Law, the Annals of the University of La Plata’ School of Legal and Social Sciences and the Bulletin of the Library of Congress, the article intends to describe the existence of an academic agenda that these scholars developed during 1920 and 1940, and then, to elucidate how these intellectual interventions on the European context sought to be read with a local perspective. In the formation and translation of a scientific and legal approach, these professors assessed the necessity to adapt these new European mechanisms to the local reality and to form more complex vocabularies and concepts about the phenomena they were perceiving.

Abstract This work has the purpose of discussing the centrality of corporativism in Brazil –understood as a political practice to sustain the restructuring of the State after 1930–, in the formation of national-statism, which it was consolidated as one of the most relevant models of State policy in this country. In order to problematize the historiography referring to Brazilian corporativism, the one that concentrates its strength in identifying ruptures or permanences of the corporative model of the State, we will defend the hypothesis that corporativism, as a set of institutionalized practices and through which the dialogue was established between the work-State-capital, contributed with the construction of the national-statist political model in the first period of Getulio Vargas in power, making it one of the main ways of thinking and acting politically through the State throughout the Brazilian republican period.

Reseña del libro publicado en 2017 Geografía Humana de la represión franquista. Del golpe a la guerra de ocupación de Gutmaro Gómez Bravo

García Funes, Juan Carlos: A recoger bombas. Batallones de trabajo forzado en Castilla y León (1937-1942). Segovia, Foro por la Memoria (Segovia) y Atrapasueños, 2016, 380 pp., ISBN: 978-84-156-747-26.