Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

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By focusing on the experiences of the Chilean and Uruguayan exile communities settling abroad during the last wave of dictatorship and repression in the 1970s, this article suggests ways to analyze exile communities in the late 20th century. By focusing in the dynamics of exile as the interaction between theexpelling country, the person forced into exile and the host country in a changed international environment, it elaborates two basic phenomena: first, the fact that the sites of relocation (lieux d’exil) may become communities of exile (milieux d’exil). The article discussed the conditions effecting this transformation forthe case of the Chileans, as the exiles managed to galvanize their co-nationals through their actions and be the vectors representing the plight of the displaced, in parallel to personal and communal problems, which develop and are addressed in parallel to public activities related to the condition of political exile. Second, the article discusses the structure of exile, which in this period undergoes a transition from a three-tiered into a four-tiered structure, as the international and global arena became an added major dimension conditioning the options and political activities of the exiles.

The 2005 Legislative Election results in Argentina constitute a strong endorsement of Nestor Kirchner's policies, allowing him to claim control of the Partido Justicialista, to sideline most of its political opponents within and outside the party, to win a majority of seats in Congress, and to set the stage for his likelyreelection in 2007. As in the previous two elections, very high electoral fragmentation by the opposition has provided large seat premiums to the Peronists in Congress. Moreover, this increasing fragmentation and territorialization of the vote has once again facilitated strong electoral performances on the part ofmost incumbents in the Provinces.

This paper seeks to investigate the behavior presented by the deputies’ chamber, with regards to the bills which were sent by the executive power during the legislative term 2002 – 2006. The author tries to demonstrate that one of the most relevant reasons in order that the Government of Ricardo Lagos could fulfill wit success its bills, was the high unity of the governmental party and the heterogeneous action of the opposing bloc. In this way, with the analysis of the votings in room (Roll Call), this article locates each one of the parties and coalitions in a percentage space of approval to the initiatives of the Government, situating to “Renovacion Nacional” as a pivotal party which fluctuated between the government law support and its quality of opposing party.

este artículo se enfoca en investigaciones pasadas y actuales de la política latinoamericana. ofrece una revisión de las agendas de investigación desarrolladas en las cuatro últimas décadas, poniendo énfasis en la evolución de una política comparada de América latina. también aborda las estrategias –familias de métodos– utilizadas en la investigación de la política latinoamericana y provee una evaluación de estas estrategias. Aunque las contribuciones de los métodos de investigación tradicionales son reconocidas, también se remarca la necesidad de incorporar metodologías innovadoras. Por lo tanto, el avance del conocimiento de la política latinoamericana es visto como dependiendo de investigaciones que encuentran un balance adecuado entre viejos y nuevos métodos de estudio.

This research note offers a revision of !he structural pension reforms that took place in Latin America from 1980 to 2002 and of the main institutional and political explanations of why these countries adopted such dissimilar reform strategies. The revision analyzes !he eligibility rules, levels of benefits, and structure ofold age, disability and survivability of contributory pension programs. Moreover, it examines !he main variables that !he political science literature identifies when explaining this variation: regime type, !he pressure of international financia! institutions, !he distribution of governmental authority, !he ideologicalpositions of the relevan! political actors, and the role of veto players.

In this paper we offer a normative evaluation about the Universal Basic Income proposal (UBI ) face to the most important justifications of “guarantee job” and “right to work” proposals. Firstly, we present the main arguments that justify a UBI . Secondly, we examine some of the most relevant reasons to believe that a UBI can be a desirable redistributive plan face to the current job guarantee policies. Thirdly, we analyse the idea that an unconditional and universal income redistribution policy violates the reciprocity principle. In this sense, we argue that a redistributive policy like UBI is a better way to achieve the objectives put forward by “guarantee job” promoters, especially by those advocates with the present workfare policies. Thus, the objective of this paper is to show some relevant and useful normative arguments in order to think about the existing and potential redistributive resources schemes.

Este estudio procura responder a la siguiente pregunta: ¿Cuál es la relación entre la calidad de los derechos humanos en los países latinoamericanos y la cantidad de ayuda financiera internacional que reciben? examinamos el papel que los derechos humanos juegan en la distribución de ayuda financiera internacional de doce países durante los años 1983 al 2002. usando una medida de los derechos humanos más válida, encontramos que el respeto a los derechos humanos no afecta la distribución de ayuda financiera internacional, con la excepción de los estados unido y hasta cierto punto dinamarca, el reino unido y Francia. estos resultados contradicen el compromiso que estos países han tomado de hacer los derechos humanos una parte importante del criterio usado en distribución de ayuda financiera internacional.

The referendum of July 2004 in Bolivia over hydrocarbon policies in Bolivia disclosed many of the national problems that threatened social peace. This paper analyses the attitudes of difieren! labor unions, political parties, and civic communities within the context of the referendum and how the stances of political andsocial actors in the referendum produced intemal divisions. lt also examines how these groups' different points of view on Presiden! Mesa's hydrocarbon policy contributed to the call for a referendum. The work demonstrates that for a short period of time the referendum served to legitimize Carlos Mesa's presidencybut in a long run defeated of it own presidency.

The article analyzes the result of the Uruguayan elections held in October 2004, establishes its causes and evaluates its main consequences on the political system. Particularly the article points out that the elections showed the greatest volatility in Uruguayan history, a strong reduction of the party systemfragmentation, and the formation of a majority government for the first time in almost forty years. On that base, the article also analyzes the instítutional and political features of the leftist govemment, taking into account additionally, the strong presidential powers, the legislative discipline of the govemmental party,and its ideological dispersion.