Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Professor Álvaro Marquez is one of the most outstanding academic voices in all of Latin America in everything related to the issue of democracy, whether as a critic to the representative democracies that have failed the population and have sold themselves to foreign interests, either as a defender of the construction of a new democratic paradigm that puts organized society in a leading role and human rights as an essential tool. The goal of this paper is to signal some of Márquez-Fernández key ideas, particularly his views on modern democracy’s crisis, the need to consolidate a mew democratic model he called “subaltern”, which following a perspective heir of Capozzi’s human rights praxeology, put its eye in society’s role in the creation of the new democracy through its struggles. The paper was written through the analysis of several papers published by Marquez-Fernandez in the last decade, with references to the work of Capozzi, and other authors like Alonso Sanchez and Beatriz Guardia. After analyzing Márquez-Fernández ideas we can conclude that in order to achieve the transition from representative democracy to a true democratic system is necessary to awake the citizens’ conscience, who will be the ones who will conquer the public spaces through their fights and activism. To that end, is essential to promote the utopic thought, to break through the modern paradigms and start searching for a better democratic praxis.

The objective of this article is to understand the thinking of Álvaro B. Márquez-Fernández, from the philosophical and epistemological principles of the Latin American antihegemonic theory, the critical conscience and the emancipatory praxis of the subjects, who reveal themselves, reveal themselves, they resist and emerge before the neoliberal power rooted in Latin America in the era of globalization. All this implies a reflection on the crisis of liberal citizenship installed since the French Revolution, the importance and relevance of new citizenships, which acquire the connotation and social representation of emerging social movements with social, political and intercultural power in new action scenarios and participation. It is not an absolutist, positivist or metaphysical conception of power in its intention to control the condition of life of human beings. The deliberative and plebiscitary character of this new type of political power and participatory democracy, announces the effort to elaborate a political theory of citizen participation based on principles of justice and equity that are obtained through discussion and public agreement of a sub democracy -alterna citizen.

The integral audit as preventive evaluation, allows validating the administrative, financial, compliance and, management systems that govern an entity, in order to purpose alternatives for the adequate achievement of its purposes and the best use of its resources. Based on international auditing standards, generally acceptable auditing standards, Government audit standards, technical standards of internal control for the public sector among others and the documentary review of recognized authors in the area such as: Blanco (2012a, 2012b), Franklin (2007) y Mantilla (2005), The study analyzes the process of execution of the audit with the approach by analogy of the financial reviews of compliance internal control and management, developed in a public institution dedicated to sports of the Cantón Cañar, Province of Cañar – Ecuador, in the fiscal year 2016 to facilitate a vision of the set of most important responsibilities of institutional management. Methodologically, a comprehensive audit was applied to analyze those control procedures implemental by all the members of the organization in relation to the components from the system COSO, applying the questions of the questionnaire to the President, Secretary, Treasurer and Head of Human Talent; examine, the degree of compliance with applicable regulations, the financial process and management through indicators. The results show that the integral audit is the independent and multidisciplinary evaluation with systems approach of the degree and form of fulfillment of the objectives of an institution, of the relation with its surroundings as well as its operations. Emphasis is placed on its importance as a management tool for decision making and to verify the weak points of organizations in order to take timely measures and precautions.

Since the triumph of political forces with a wright wing profile and orientation in several countries in Latin America, within social sciences the debate about power groups and their way of political domination was reinstated. This article analyses comparatively two government experiences: Michel Temer (2016-2018) in Brazil and Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (2016-2018) in Peru. Even though in both countries government policies with a favorable orientation towards the market were assumed, the profile and characteristics of the official’s recruitment present a notable difference: in Brazil the cabinet showed more political traits, while in Peru the ministerial body had a corporate and technocratic bias. From a perspective located in the boundaries between political and historical sociology, the survey analyses the ministerial cabinet’s profile in both countries starting from three variables: scholar, socio-political and occupational profiles. This work is based on own elaborated data about the educational and occupational trajectory of the high officials as well as a number of interviews with key informants. From the comparative analysis we sustain that long-lasting variables, such as the strength or weakness of the state institutions and the political parties are the key to understand the differences between the ministerial cabinet’s recruitment in both countries.

Democracia sub-alterna y Estado hegemónico. Crítica política desde América Latina has been one of the last works of Professor Alvaro Márquez-Fernández. The manuscript is full of suggestions and significant issues, such as the lights and the shadows of democracy. It shows clearly the deep and uniquely theoretical commitment of the author over the course of his entire intellectual life. The philosopher focuses on the modern and contemporary theories of democracy whose assumptions lead to converting democracies into centralized and hierarchical systems of power, so disregarding the need for inclusion of the other. "Care", "equality", "neoliberalism", "utopia" are all determinations contained in the manuscript and, not less, in various theoretical conceptions of the current debate in moral, political and legal philosophy. The volume opens up a series of parallels and convergences between the concepts of “sub-alternate democracy” and “the democracy of care”. In this brief contribution, I firstly outline the concept of care such as elaborated by the American Joan Tronto, and secondly I highlight some similiarities and differences between Tronto’s concepts of “democracy of care” and the concept of “sub-alternate democracy” according to the utopian socialistic project developed by Márquez-Fernández.

This work has as its fundamental objective to verify if in the Bolivarian Revolution there are present theoretical elements of what political science scholars call populism, and more recently neopopulism. In this sense, a methodology was used through a descriptive research through the use of primary sources, from authors such as Weyland (2003), Koeneke (2003), Conniff (2003), Vilas (2003), Arenas (2005), Laclau (2005), Ugalde and González (2007), Freidenberg (2007), Panizza (2009), Hawkins (2010), Sánchez (2010) and De la Torre (2010). The findings demonstrate the existence of features of both political categories: predominance of political personalism, friend-enemy confrontation discourse, the redistributive character, the concentration of state power, the destruction or uselessness of productive sources and the cancellation of the market as the main actor in the allocation of resources, the return to an entrepreneurial state, and a predominance of ideological discourse on good economic policy measures aimed at evading poverty and solving various social inequities. All this framed in a political model of "Socialism of the XXI Century". A key feature of neopopulism is the emergence of an emerging outsider leader, without ties or dependence on traditional parties, such as the case of the late President Hugo Chávez Frías.

In this study, we begin by defining what is understood by co-education and then we offer a brief review of the most important educational milestones achieved regarding co-education. The theoretical framework also mentions the value of classic stories, since they become a good resource for teaching co-education. The main objective of this study is to plan and implement activities to work co-education with preschool students (through a research-action process), by means of the analysis and reprocessing of the Cinderella story, and the different activities derived from this story. The Project is divided into ten sessions, in which children’s literature has been used as a central axis to work on the different gender stereotypes that are transmitted in the story, and many of which are still present in today’s society. With this, it is sought that stereotypes that are so assimilated nowadays start to change and thus, educate both girls and boys from a more inclusive and egalitarian perspective. This experience has been conducted in a 4-years old preschool classroom (in a school in the Province of Castellón) during two weeks in the academic year 2017/2018. An optimal result has been achieved that is reflected in the evidence collected during the Project. In conclusion, it is important to highlight the potential of classic stories to teach values in the stage of Childhood Education.

Coeducational practices in formal education represent a significant progress in terms of gender equality. At the same time, they highlight tensions and contradictions both on the institutional and non-formal levels that have an impact on the very definition of coeducation and on the pedagogical possibilities of diversity. The objective of this article is to perform a reconceptualization of educational competences for coeducation and education for peace as the backbone of an inclusive, democratic and emancipatory school. It is a basic investigation of reflective and discursive character, located in the Philosophical and Axiological area, referring to the education in critical citizenship and democratic participation from the intersection of both perspectives. Coeducation and education for peace are contextualized taking into account the consequences of the theoretical conflict between modernity and postmodernity on the current socialization of a critical citizenship. A definition of peace that integrates rationality and spirituality is assumed, incorporating an energetic understanding of life into the image of peace, and attention is given to the debate raised about the incorporation of the gender perspective as a dynamic element of Education for World Citizenship. The main conclusion states the need to reformulate the difference between public space and private space as well as the incorporation of the dialectic between the ethics of justice and the ethics of care as fundamental aspects to be implemented in the development of coeducational practices.