Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

The new European realities are a key factor in the understanding of anti-Semitism, a concept that has adopted new forms in the 20th and 21st centuries and which has been favoured by the arrival of immigrants to Europe, the emergence of right-wing parties and the anti-Zionism. The objective of this article is to offer a historical journey through in which can be observed its nature and transformations until it reaches the new anti-Semitism that we are attending today. We start from the premise of the existence of this phenomenon at present, being the working hypothesis that in recent years there has indeed been a resurgence and increase of this one through the figures presented of different reports and in new contexts, namely the social networks. The main finding is that there is a new anti-Semitism that leaves aside the personal confrontation, without eliminating it, to move in the technological sphere covered by anonymity.

The Chinese and Mexican diasporas in the US share some major features: they are historical and continual, they differ ethnically and culturally from the nucleus of the local society, their migrants have an irregular condition, they form ethnic enclaves in the peripheries of the country and, above all, migrants have developed transnational practices to maintain a link with their home country. This paper explores the different types of articulation of Chinese and Mexican diasporas with transnational migration and governance for the sake of co-development, contrasting the strategic axes, the migrants focus group, the kind of public policies designed, and the sustainability of the model.

The tragedy of people affected by anti-personnel landmines and explosive remnants of war reveals fundamental dimensions of the victimization experience. They have to face a new relation with their vulnerable body, the indirect victimization of their families and the socio-cultural processes of exclusion that arise around of their victimized bodies. This paper is the outcome of a work of historical memory reconstruction carried out in three Colombian municipalities with members of associations of anti-personnel landmines and explosive remnants of war victims. The article concludes that the victimization produced by these weapons is not reduced to the direct affectation of the victim’s body, that the dimension of the victimization processes in linked with the local social characteristics and gender understandings, and that the vulnerable body public exposition implies a new setting of the affective dynamics of social recognition.

This paper addresses the use of the topic “love”, as a propaganda resource of Chavism, oriented towards the creation of a legitimating meta-reality, based on a populistic political discourse. Through the analysis of symbolic representations of public discourse and iconography, it is argued that XXI Century Socialism shows totalitarian patterns. In addition, it unfolds an imaginary that aims to sacralize Hugo Chávez. The open question is whether the “love” topic and sacralization strategy will be enough to compensate for the ideological exhaustion of XXI Century Socialism in the post-Chávez era, and when Nicolás Maduro seems to go back in terms of political legitimacy.

The life of a philosopher does not always have implications in his work, however, in some cases it is important to think of life as a key to thought and as an indicator to understand the way in which some philosophers have influenced the thinking of others. Such is the case of Alain de Benoist, an intellectual related to the new French right, of whom it is important to know his origin and relationship with peasant France, of which the author in some of his writings show signs of longing for his youth and his way of life. In addition to this, it is important to point out his reading of Nietzsche, with whom he shares an aristocratic radicalism; in such a way that De Benoist’s work is not only influenced by his life experiences, but also by his coincidence with Nietzsche’s life and the affinity around his thought. In such way that by establishing a relationship between these thinkers we can better understand the intellectual level of the new French right. There is no doubt that Nietzsche influenced in a decisive way in the philosophical thought of Alain de Benoist, its political development is due to a group of essayists and journalists who united Armin Mohler under the name of conservative revolution, whose most well-known representatives are Arthur Moeller Van den Bruck, Oswald Sprengler and Carl Schmitt, they follow in their criticism of liberalism, individualism and the ideas of the French Revolution, however, who represents the strongest influence is Carl Schmitt, because it was decisive in his vision of identity democracy and his criticism of parliamentarism.

Se explora una dimensión poco atendida de la resistencia pampina. Planteando que el ciclo expansivo del salitre tarapaqueño se estructuró sobre un arreglo particular entre los empresarios salitreros y el Estado, caracterizado por una explotación privada y una débil presencia estatal, donde los primeros aspiraron a producir un espacio dominado como un enclave salitrero, ejerciendo un férreo control social sobre la mano de obra. Postulamos que la sociedad pampina, a través de sus prácticas cotidianas, logró resistir con relativa eficacia las necesidades de control patronal y, a la vez, implementar un proceso inverso de producción social del espacio, el que se reflejó en la estructuración de un territorio altamente integrado. ABSTRACT An unattended dimension of the Pampina resistance is explored. It proposes that the expansive cycle of the Tarapacan saltpeter was structured on a particular arrangement between the saltpeter businessmen and the State, characterized by a private exploitation and a weak state presence, where the former aspired to produce a space dominated as a saltpeter enclave, exerting an iron social control over the labor force. We postulate that Pampas society, through its daily practices, managed to resist with relative efficiency the needs of employer control and, at the same time, implement an inverse process of social production of space, which was reflected in the structuring of a highly integrated territory.

Este artículo analiza las actividades que la Embajada chilena en España llevó a cabo entre 1983 y 1988, para hacer frente a la “campaña anti-chilena” en el país ibérico. Estas contemplaron una acción de lobbying y difusión dirigida hacia los sectores de la derecha heredera del franquismo que, sin embargo, tuvieron un impacto limitado, debido al contexto local de la época, marcado por la hegemonía del PSOE y los requerimientos de la nueva realidad democrática. Esta imponía evitar todo tipo de identificación con el régimen chileno, corrientemente asimilado por la opinión nacional e internacional al pasado franquista. ABSTRACT This article analyzes the activities that the Chilean Embassy in Spain carried out between 1983 and 1988, to confront the “anti-Chilean campaign” in the Iberian country. They contemplated a lobbying and diffusion action directed towards the sectors of the right that inherited from Franco’s regime, which, however, had a limited impact due to the local context of the time, marked by the hegemony of the PSOE and the requirements of the new democratic reality. This imposed to avoid any kind of identification with the Chilean regime, commonly assimilated by national and international opinion to the Franco past.

Los estudios bibliográficos, en espacios regionales, son escasos. Las obras locales se suman a recopilaciones de alcance nacional, o bien se reducen a monografías sobre autores o textos específicos. Es otra de las carencias de la historiografía regional chilena, que atenta contra la construcción de una identidad cultural, a la vez propia y en diálogo con el acervo literario nacional. Miradas modernas, además, abordan también el problema desde la lectura y los lectores, asumiendo perspectivas propias de la historia cultural. El presente trabajo aborda la historia de la cultura impresa en el Bio-Bio de manera  panorámica, en los tiempos coloniales. El objetivo es conocer la evolución del libro, la educación y las bibliotecas en espacios locales.  ABSTRACT Bibliographical studies in regional spaces are rare. Local works are either included in recopilations of a national character or are reduced to monographies about specific authors or texts. This is another drawback of the Chilean regional historiography, which goes against the building of a cultural identitythat is genuine and at the same time enters into a dialogue with the national literary patrimony. Modern outlooks, furthermore, also address the problem from the perspective of reading and the readers, assuming perspectives germaine to cultural history. This article analyzes the history of printed culture in Bio-Bio in a panoramic perspective, during the colonial times. The purpose is to understand the evolution of the book, the education and libraries at the local level.

Revisión Libro Por los caminos del Valle Central de Chile: El sistema vial entre los ríos Maipo y Mataquito 1790-1860. Editorial Dibam-Centro de investigaciones Diego Barros Arana, 148 páginas.

Revisión libro de Lucas Poy, Los orígenes de la clase obrera argentina: huelgas,sociedades de resistencia y militancia política en Buenos Aires 1888-1896.Editorial Imago Mundi, Buenos Aires 2015, 334 páginas.