Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This article describes and analyzes the experiences of Chilean refugees in the refuge houses of the Capital Federal Capital and Greater Buenos Aires under the orbit of the Argentine Commission for Refugees (CAREF) between 1973 and 1983. The starting point is the he asked about the effects of the repressive context, to answer what it meant to be a refugee in Argentina during the third Peronist government and the military dictatorship. Likewise, after confirming that refugee status brought into play new family dynamics and forms of community-based coexistence, conflicts are analyzed as well as the processes of building solidarity ties and it is shown that they had different expression in men and women.

Con base en la bibliografía disponible, el artículo plantea la pregunta por la revuelta obrera global de 1968, en Chile y Argentina. Se revisa primero el estancamiento y crisis del modelo económico “desarrollista”, como parte de una crisis capitalista global que anunciaron las revueltas del “sesenta y ocho”. Luego, se analiza el ascenso huelguista y sus determinantes comunes a ambos lados de Los Andes, evidenciando las coincidencias regionales. Por último, se analiza la radicalización obrera regional en el período, con foco específico en las actitudes clasistas y autónomas del movimiento obrero. Se propone que es posible identificar un “sesenta y ocho en el Cono Sur”, si se asume que el análisis histórico del proceso general de revuelta obrera de los largos sesenta globales, no puede ser limitado únicamente a un mes, un año y a un país.

Este artículo trata de analizar la influencia en la acción colectiva revolucionaria femenina en la Huelga General Revolucionaria de 1917 a partir de los acontecimientos de la Semana Trágica de 1909, también conocida como Revolución de julio de 1909, protagonizados inicialmente por mujeres. Según la tesis central del texto, las activistas del Partido Republicano Radical y las mujeres del lumpenproletariado, conocidas como las “petroleras”, no sólo fueron fundamentales en la movilización contra la guerra colonial y el embarco masivo de reservistas, sino que marcaron un precedente en cuanto a cómo se involucraban las mujeres en política hasta el momento. En este sentido, es de particular interés destacar cómo a partir de los acontecimientos de 1909 se potenciaron diversas asociaciones de mujeres, sobre todo socialistas, que trataban de canalizar la conflictividad social y laboral en términos tanto de clase como de género. Esta labor política tiene su frustrada influencia en el movimiento revolucionario español de 1917, inspirado en gran medida por la Revolución rusa de febrero-marzo, donde el protagonismo de las mujeres se vería desplazado por los partidos antidinásticos y los sindicatos de clase. Este análisis diacrónico, el cual se fundamenta en los testimonios de la prensa de la época, pretende así contribuir a la discusión que se establece respecto a la importancia de la presencia de mujeres en los movimientos revolucionarios.

The aim of this paper is to study the relationship between J. Caesar and D. Brutus in regard to the Ides of March in the work of R. Syme and the reception of his views on this matter. To this end, we will start contextualizing the subject of the work, noting the existence of an appreciable change in Syme’s interest in Caesar from 1960. Then, the analysis will take up the work of Syme, in which he addresses the issue of Caesar-Brutus. Finally, a review will take in the main works that, after Syme, have resumed the work on this relationship between Caesar and Brutus. Syme claimed Brutus to have played a more significant role in the criminal plot of the Ides of March, and he thinks that the hypothesis of attributing the paternity of Brutus to Caesar explains better the favour that Brutus enjoyed under Caesar throughout his career. Syme’s contributions will pave the way for future researchs, sometimes to concur with his thesis, sometimes to disagree with them.

In the 20th century, a number of authors engaged with the creation of a new conceptual framework to interpret love from a political perspective. They interpreted it as a political feeling and questioned the practice of relegating it to the private and intimate dimensions. In this article, light is shed on a foundational moment in the definition of this conceptual framework, looking first at Alexandra Kollontai’s reflections and then introducing Shulamith Firestone’s take on love, as the expression of a first theoretical turn. This initial subversión had a great impact on the forms in which the subsequent feminist generations theorised a political economy of love in the context of women’s struggles to become political subjects themselves and fight for their own emancipation.Through an analysis of Kollontai’s Largo all’Eros alato! and Shulamith Firestone’s The Dialectic of Sex, both linked to materialist traditions, we identify the role that, according to the authors, love – as a political feeling – plays in women’s struggle for freedom. These first intuitions have been particularly fruitful in framing feminist contemporary approaches to “romantic love” (Illouz, Esteban, Herrera). In Kollontai’s and Firestone’s texts, love is presented as an emotional and psychic pivot upon which patriarchal domination is founded and consolidated in bourgeois-capitalist societies. Nevertheless, Kollontai argues that love also has to be understood as a psycho-social feeling with a great potential to promote emancipatory relationships for women. These two perspectives also reveal the complex role that love plays in contemporary feminist reflection and the profound transformation that emerged, between the 1920s and the 1960s, in the forms in which women were represented as a specific group in a class society (Kollontai) or as a class per se under patriarchy (Firestone).

En este artículo abordaremos tanto un estado de la cuestión sobre el papel de las mujeres rusas en la Revolución de 1917, como la propaganda que circuló en España sobre su situación en el Estado comunista. En este sentido, veremos cuáles fueron las principales publicaciones, las afiliadas a la Asociación de Amigos de la Unión Soviética entre 1933 y 1938, así como sus vínculos personales con Rusia, o qué aspectos interesaban a nivel legislativo, laboral, familiar o sexual sobre lo que el imaginario entendía cómo “nueva mujer”, “amor libre”, etc., dentro de la dialéctica fascismo/antifascismo. Por otra parte, veremos cómo el bando franquista, la dictadura después y especialmente la Sección Femenina de Falange se encargaron de denostar a esas “madres desnaturalizadas” tras el telón de acero y caricaturizarlas, al menos hasta el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, como representación de la Anti-España y la No-Mujer.

This articles aims chiefly to provide an overview of the historical-artistic studies carried out and published in Spain throughout the 19th century and to show that these works provided the basis and foundation for the subsequent institutionalisation of Art History in Spanish universities in the early 20th century. It begins with a summary underlining the need for this kind of study, then paints a broad diachronic perspective on the historical circumstances surrounding the historiographic practice of the 19th century, its characteristics and its writers. It ends with a brief consideration of the scope of 19th century research and its effects on the institutionalisation of Art History in Spain.

This document presents a historiographical review of the most relevant publications in the 20th and 21st centuries in the cult to the Roman emperors and their domus. The study begins with an examination of the most important contributions on the subject matter that can be framed in the positivist paradigm and ends by exploring the influence of postmodern conceptions in the studies on emperor worship. The paper thereby aims to explain how the interpretation of the imperial cult is linked to both the affiliation with certain historiographical schools and to the individual positions of historians, marked by their own religious convictions.