Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

The purpose of this paper is to address an issue that has not yet been the subject of significant study: religious education in teacher training, in light of the 1979 Agreement on Education and Cultural Affairs. The wording of Article IV of the Agreement on Education and Cultural Affairs seems clear and the courts have endorsed a literal interpretation of the text. However, there are also interpretive criteria and resources that render this view less apparent: the authoritative interpretation made by government bodies; the relative weight of the subject in teacher training programs; and the academic practice of public universities in Spain. An overall assessment of the criteria discloses that implantation in practice may be poor because it fails to respect the object and ends of the Agreement as such.

In the early stages of canon law there was a specific need to intervene to ensure equity in given situations. Canonical equity began to take two forms: perfect justice and benign intervention. These two «souls» have coexisted since the start. Equity encompasses epikeia when the general nature of the law prevents the just appraisal of a specific case. Three representative cases are considered to provide a clearer understanding of the medieval canonical doctrine on aequitas: a letter by St. Augustine in the Decretum Gratiani; a passage from a decretal by Honorius III contained in the Liber Extra; and the great debate between Martinus Gosia and Bulgarus. A number of conclusions as to the ongoing value of equity and some hermeneutical rules relating to its application are drawn on the basis of this discussion.

The new bets in the electronic narrative are structured under hypertext paths that link a wide variety of resources, such as a static image, a video, an audio, in which the plot is framed. That is the case with the electronic fiction Tatuaje (2015) by Rodolfo Jiménez Morales. The narrative has a detective structure, which allows the hypertextual design for the reader-user to follow, from the perspective of Rolo Martínez, the investigator, his experience in solving the case. Although Martinez is not obliged to solve all the cases or have absolute knowledge as Holmes, he is to fit the clues in during or after the case. These clues come from different resources along the narrative: audios, emails, phone calls, text messages that are not resolved in the explanation of the case. This essay aims to show from the interactivity frame, the level of exposure and detective-reader involvement with the clues in relation to his coding-decoding process of the world-case. The user witnesses, in a challenging manner, his ability to solve the case, to structure the sequence of events and to explain himself his role in a hypertext world. For this, the essay reviews, first the concept of hypertext, hypermedia, and hyperlink; second, the levels of interactivity; and third the analysis of the electronic fiction.

Este artículo tratará de analizar la tensión entre tradición y modernidad y cómo estas dos narrativas convergentes revelan un tenso debate sobre el cuerpo de la mujer en la región de MENA en general y en Marruecos en particular. Se describe cómo las mujeres tienen más oportunidades de educación y de disfrutar de derechos legales más fuertes y cómo algunas han adquirido liderazgo en diversos campos, incluso en aquellos dominados principalmente por hombres. Sin embargo, las mujeres siguen enfrentándose a la opresión, alimentada por una mezcla de cultura y religión que las degrada. Trataremos cómo en los últimos años las distintas formas de llevar el velo por parte de las mujeres musulmana ha estado en el epicentro de muchas disputas y controversias en el mundo occidental. Mientras que muchas mujeres musulmanas deciden usar el velo de acuerdo a su interpretación del Corán, o la de su imam, otras lo hacen como una seña de elección personal. Sin embargo, los no musulmanes a menudo ven el velo, particularmente los que cubren la mayor parte del cuerpo y/o el rostro, como una señal de opresión religiosa. Otros creen que el velo es una señal de radicalización, un movimiento hacia el islamismo.

The discussion of the causes of the turns to the left or the right in Latin America is an extensive one, and comparative electoral studies in the region have multiplied. However, due to the fact that they are analyzed in isolation, their contribution to understanding why people vote for the alternatives at one end of the ideological spectrum or the other is limited. This paper examines the ideological voting behavior of Latin Americans between 1996 and 2016, and we find that positions for or against the United States and the ideology of voters are the principal factors to explain this, together with social class, trust in political institutions, the ideology of the current government and the gender of the voter. Belonging to an indigenous group tends to favor a vote for left-wing alternatives when this division has previously been politicized. However, there are very large national variations compared to the regional trends, indicating that it is a very heterogeneous region.

After the nuclear bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the Cuban Missile Crisis, the countries in Latin America created a communal framework for nuclear security and a nuclear-free zone through the Tlatelolco Treaty. Mexico, a middle power, emerged as the leader of the negotiations and Mexican diplomats later used Tlatelolco to actively participate in the formulation of international nuclear norms and institutions. How did a middle power, with limited capacities in the hierarchies of authority, influence global nuclear governance? Mexico strategically used the Latin American coalition and the nuclear standard as a way of amplifying its influence in the international negotiations. 

Hong Kong presents a case that challenges the modernization theory of Samuel Huntington. On the one hand, the return of sovereignty to the People’s Republic of China is indicated as an impediment. However, even during the period of British control it did not develop democratic institutions. This paper raises the implications of the presence of economic elites in Hong Kong politics. It concludes that in addition to the clear Chinese intervention in the legislative council, the “yellow umbrellas” protests indicate that part of the citizenship are dissatisfied with the political situation, and seek alternatives for political participation.

Following decolonization, France sought to maintain close relations with its ancient African sub-Saharan colonies through economic, cultural and military cooperation agreements. Thanks to those agreements and to its military presence in Africa, France could impose itself as the “protector” of the new states in the frame of the Cold War. In order to implement this policy, France couldn’t rely on the support of its European partners. However, the criticism of French African policy, especially after the Rwanda genocide in 1994, forced French leaders to mobilize the tools of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in order to legitimize French action in Africa. Although, this “Europeanization” of French African policy lead to the civil and military deployment of the European Union in the African continent, it was not enough to erase both French interests in Africa and its divergences with its European partners.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the concept of critical geopolitics in epistemological, theoretical and methodological terms, and its connection with international studies. It will analyze the scope, limits and contributions of the concept, comparing the classic and critical postulates of geopolitics, and establishing a link with the reality of South America, a region where geopolitical knowledge has seen significant development. It concludes that the connection between the classic and critical notion of geopolitics is necessary, in order to bring about an updating of the postulates of the discipline that still dominate in South America.