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546,196 artículos
Año:
2019
ISSN:
2448-6531, 0185-0172
Aboites Aguilar, Luis
El Colegio de México, A.C.
Resumen
This article studies colonization in 20th Century Mexico, which is a little-studied issue due to the preference for studying the agrarian reform misunderstood as the establishment of ejidos. This error is largely a result of the neglect of other methods proposed for ending latifundia, which was the unspoken goal of Mexican revolutionaries. To do away with this confusion, this article reconstructs the history of the National Colonization Commission (CNC), arguing that the brief life of the CNC (1947-1963) expresses not so much the lack of prestige of the liberal path incarnated by colonization so much as a reflection of the weakness of governmental efforts to regulate the expansion of private property in rural areas. This type of property expanded and consolidated itself thanks to social and political developments that had no use for institutions such as the CNC.
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Año:
2019
ISSN:
2448-6531, 0185-0172
Sweeney, Lean
El Colegio de México, A.C.
Resumen
On June 19, 1867, Archduke Maximilian of Habsburg was executed by a firing squad at Cerro de las Campanas, Querétaro on the order of Mexican President Benito Juárez. Rather than representing one of the clearest episodes of the 19th Century of nationalist triumph over imperialism and dynastic domination, this event has been commonly remembered as the somber curtain of the dramatic personal and political life of Maximilian. This article argues that, despite his intentions, Juárez did not consolidate his legitimacy as leader of Mexico through the execution of Maximilian, but rather in spite of it. Rather than showing the authority and justice of the triumphant republicans, the execution increased the irrelevance of Maximilian and U.S. support in Mexico’s national history. In this context, the execution, body and memory of Maximilian gave rise to an alternate narrative of the triumph of Mexican nationalism. In this narrative. Maximilian becomes a symbol of the tragedy of war and the immortality of the royal legacy, an image that ignored the propagandistic intentions of Juárez and the “Radical Republicans” in the United States. This article is based on the records of the trial of Maximilian of Habsburg, Juárez’s defense of the execution, the diplomatic correspondence within the United States and between the United States and Mexico, the records of the U.S. Congress and the popular responses in photography and the press. This article offers a unique vision of U.S.-Mexico relations with implications for the studies of the empire in the 19th Century and the construction of the nation in general.
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Año:
2019
ISSN:
2448-6531, 0185-0172
Brondino, Laura
El Colegio de México, A.C.
Resumen
This article explores the constitution of governmental authority in the context of the separation of powers established in 1812. To illustrate this, it analyzes the transition from the subdelegate of Bourbon origin, a judicial figure appointed by the crown, to the political boss, an agent of the executive branch of the republic, both answering to the government at the party level. This process is studied in the case of Yucatán, where the relatively prolonged survival of subdelegates and late institutionalization of political bosses allows us to observe, better than in other regions, the details of the problematic transformation from judicial to executive authority.The central hypothesis is that, at least in the case of Yucatán, the prolonged survival of the subdelegate likewise prolonged the old judicial conception of government, without creating a new executive authority, while its adaptation to a republican framework of the separation of powers modified governmental practices, favoring the development of a governmental authority. The political boss, which was definitively institutionalized by 1841, marked a milestone in this process: not simply an executor of laws and orders with powers to negotiate, their essential function and authority arose from the negotiation of interests and rights, discretionally imitating older judicial forms. The objective is to clarify the manner in which legitimate force was constructed and concentrated in 19th Century Mexico, which constitutes one of the peculiarities of the constitution of its government.
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Año:
2019
ISSN:
2448-6531, 0185-0172
Pita González, Alexandra
El Colegio de México, A.C.
Resumen
In 1934, the Argentine diplomat and historian Roberto Levillier proposed that the League of Nations create an ethnography and history collection for the Americas that would focus on the 15th to 17th Centuries, which would be under the control of the Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. As Levillier was Argentina’s ambassador to Mexico in those years, the Mexican foreign service closely followed the progress of the proposed collection and the vicissitudes of its mentor, as they feared that his sharply Hispanist tone would prejudice the interpretation of the colonial past and that the Argentine’s statements to the press would harm the international image that the country was trying to project. This process has been reconstructed through detailed diplomatic documentation. Beyond the case in question, this allows us to understand the diplomatic tensions between Mexico and Argentina, both in their direct relations and through the League of Nations and the Committee on Intellectual Cooperation. As this article shows, although this was an academic proposal, the arguments for and against were not connected to a debate within the discipline nor to the constitution of the history of the Americas as a line of research. Instead, there prevailed the political perspective and the interests of a diplomatic class concerned with the complex prewar environment in which actors attempted to simultaneously resolve national, regional and international issues.
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Año:
2019
ISSN:
2448-6531, 0185-0172
Ducey, Michael Thomas
El Colegio de México, A.C.
Resumen
Starting from Virginia Guedea’s valuable observations on the insurgent elections called by José María Morelos in 1813, this article, which is based on information found in the General Archive of the Nation and printed collections of primary sources, examines the function of elections in rural areas of the country that were controlled by rebel forces. Rather than discussing the national political issues associated with the Congress of Chilpancingo, it centers on the electoral experience in towns located in insurgent territory. Elections allowed the middle and low-ranking commanders of the rebellion to strengthen their position vis-à-vis local society, making their authority evident in the eyes of the population and taking advantage of events to establish their legitimacy as governors. They also functioned as public events for demonstrating affiliation with the movement and an opportunity to mobilize locals to support them. Besides the question of social mobilization, this article explores the language of the parties involved and the ritualistic aspects of the elections to examine the mentality of the insurgents. In this way, we can better understand how they conceived the role of corporations in the project of constructing a national representative, republican government on the basis of the country’s communities. The article concludes that the revolutionaries organically took advantage of colonial traditions rooted in the Indian Republics to create an innovative vision of the relationship between society and the government.
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Año:
2019
ISSN:
2448-6531, 0185-0172
Vázquez Laslop, María Eugenia
El Colegio de México, A.C.
Resumen
Historians tend to turn to textual sources to configure a corpus of historical data, in accordance with their research methods and objectives. Although to a certain extent they understand that their sources have their own history, the study of the history of their properties and discursive forms has fallen, above all, on disciplines such as philology, literature, rhetoric, diplomacy, textual criticism, paleography and linguistics. This article reflects on the historicity of other cultural traditions, such as law, utilizing the theory of discursive traditions developed by the followers of the linguist Eugenio Coseriu and emphasizing how the historical rhythms of different cultural traditions may be asynchronous and that linguistic forms tend to be much more conservative than those of other cultural traditions. The textual traditions of Mexican legislation from the 16th to the 21st centuries are taken as an example, as well as their relationship with the legal traditions to which they gave rise. The article discusses how to historically interpret legal traditions and their relationship with textual traditions according to hermeneutics, conceptual history and Reinhart Koselleck’s sediments of time.
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Año:
2019
ISSN:
2448-6531, 0185-0172
Andrews, Catherine
El Colegio de México, A.C.
Resumen
The objective of this article is to analyze the primary characteristics of the constitution of the Seven Laws (1836) and evaluate its impact on later Mexican constitutionalism. The historiographical consensus is that the Seven Laws constituted the first constitutional text written by the conservative faction and, therefore, that this constitution did not have an impact on the development of the liberal project that resulted in the Constitution of 1857. The research presented herein shows that this assessment is false and that the constitutional ideas of the Seven Laws influenced both the Organic Bases and both liberal and later conservative constitutionalism.
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