Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This is the history of the army of Enrique Estrada, a group of exiled rebels based out of California, who planned to cross over into Mexico and overthrow the government of Plutarco Elías Calles in August 1926. They were detained by the U.S. authorities, arrested and tried. The objective is to better understand the circumstances in which exiles organized armed incursions from the U.S., bilateral efforts to prevent these incursions and the composition of Estrada’s group. Priority was given to the documentation held by the National Archives of Record Administration (NARA) in the state of Maryland, which includes documents on the investigation into this armed group and its later trial. This documentation has been little explored by Mexican historiography. The article’s most meaningful contributions lie in the use of these sources, as well as in revealing the obstacles, challenges and complications faced by exiles when planning a rebellion from the U.S., something that was often repeated during the revolutionary period, but has been little researched. Lastly, the article suggests the relationships between the agencies of both governments, in this case their security and intelligence agencies, were autonomous and independent of formal diplomatic relations.

This article analyzes the role played by a Mexican workers’ collective (Grupo Acción) in the political arena during the 1918-1928 period, placing emphasis on its participation in the foreign policy of the post-revolutionary governments, particularly in terms of bilateral relations between Mexico and the United States, as well as the structure of the relationship between unions and the government. It argues that the alliance between the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (CROM) and the American Federation of Labor (AFL) was a determining factor in these processes. This article is based on information collected in public and private archives (the General Archive of the Nation and the Plutarco Elías Calles, Fernando Torreblanca and Luis N. Morones archives), newspaper articles in Mexico and the United States and other documents and publications, from popular histories to academic texts.

This article is divided into three parts, organized chronologically, that address three different periods in the connection between external debt and recognition. In the first part, it analyzes the proposal to triangulate the conversion project formulated by F. de Lizardi and company in the context of the independence of Texas in the years between 1837 and 1839. The second, in turn, analyzes the formulation of the project and the experiences of the Texan emissaries to Mexico and London in search of recognition in 1839 and 1840. The third period analyzes how the idea of an indemnization payment took on a life of its own, in the sense that it was delinked from conversion and both the British and the Texan governments took on the issue as a way to incentivize the Mexican government to grant recognition, between 1841 and 1844, in which the context had changed and annexation by the United States took on greater momentum. Finally, the conclusions reflect on the relationship between external debt, indemnization and recognition.

In the summer of 1923, the presidential succession was decided in favor of Plutarco Elías Calles and the definitive rupture of the so-called Sonoran Triangle occurred. Although he formally supported Calles’s candidacy, Finance Secretary Adolfo de la Huerta confronted both Calles and President Álvaro Obregón in order to defend those who had supported his candidacy and resigned. His successor, Alberto J. Pani, presented an alarming report on the state of the Finance Secretariat, provoking a controversy in which De la Huerta aimed to defend his work and Pani to prove that the country was on the verge of bankruptcy. The backdrop to this controversy was De la Huerta’s acceptance of his presidential candidacy and its abrupt end was due to the De la Huerta Rebellion. Nearly one hundred years later, there are still doubts about the seriousness of the fiscal crisis reported by Pani. This article explains the development of the controversy, the arguments given by each party and the intervention of other political actors, concluding that, while the nation’s finances were not in good shape, the situation was exaggerated in order to politically discredit Adolfo de la Huerta.

This article aims to reconstruct a people’s history of Cuban nationalism in Mexico, centered on the printing presses of the Mexico City publisher Vanegas Arroyo. A corrido about the Santiago general Antonio Maceo, commissioned in Veracruz, and a habanera that underwent transatlantic metamorphoses, both illustrated by José Guadalupe Posada, give us a glimpse of the everyday struggle over the visions of the contending armies, their composition and the legitimacy of their causes. These political narratives open up a window on how the publisher functioned, the circulation of its texts and the dialogue of corridos and engravings with the national and international press.

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