Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Through the records of the educators in the primary magazine you can find educational themes that are contingency until today such as; education and instruction, literacy, the confusion of concepts that has happened at the hands of political and educational authorities especially, the shortcomings of an educational system and its main features aimed at the formation of the citizen, women’s education, and training and teaching practice, among others. However, despite the past of the source used the ideas and reflections are affable to the present, and it is a source that has been little studied. The proposed opinion is that until our present time these confusions such as education and instruction not have been discussed, nor much less determined, at the same time that keep the criticism to the education system and teaching exercise. Final reflections are an invitation from the social history of education to continue with more research on these women, intellectuals, teachers and educators.

This article analyzes the opinion of the working press about popular education in the period 1903-1927. The work is nourished by a corpus of newspapers systematized by two theses of degree in history. The main results show marked distinctions of opinion between the anarchist press and socialist newspapers. The main differences are observed in the field of women's education, where a rupturist proposal of the anarchic newspapers about their role in society is evident. The investigation concludes that the media present a series of similarities, both in the press model to which they pay tribute, and in their concern for the popular world in general. The study also concludes that the main disagreements are observed at the doctrinal level, when discussing the education that popular women should receive.

In this article you will find a reflection on the relationship between school culture and the educational community, through the review of concepts and visions about school culture and the community. In the midst of the crisis of meaning of the school / high school as an exclusive reference in the development of learning and the emergence of diverse subjectivities, the possibilities of strengthening and development of school communities are analyzed through the incorporation of approaches whose foundation is the community, participation and educational inclusion.

This research deals with Chilean Theatre novel development during the 1960’s and 1970’s, where Chilean practice committed to the education of popular sectors in the country. Through an agreement of Cultural Outreach signed by the Workers Union and the Theatre Institute of University of Chile, later Technical University of the State, a generation of young students, workers and political leaders produced a permanent repertory of works of theatre. The agreement funded the productions and they were premiered in trade unions and local communities in the south side of Santiago. The plays depicted social criticism and joined a decade marked by heavy turmoil in the public sphere, which made possible The Chilean Way to Socialism.

The present text is a preliminary study on Matilde Huici´s pedagogical action and teaching practice. These actions are a source of inspiration of the Early Childhood Education Program at Universidad de Chile from 1994 to 1962. In order to create a guideline sketch of the academic action proposed by Huichi, ten semi-structured interviews were performed both to students and teachers from that time. In light to this, we state as a global hypothesis that his Spanish teacher pedagogical action was characterized by a strong ethic and anthropological component which was based on a clear use of the scientific method. Additionally, this approach conveys a solid theoretical framework which resulted in a clear, innovative and public acknowledgement to the Early Childhood educational prospects.

The present work aims to survey the visions of the local actors participating in the process of university reform in Chile in the period 1967-1973 as a way of constructing a story based on the specific elements of the mobilization and its demands, expressing the way in which both elements become a reality in the transformation of university institutions in Chile, in the city of Valparaíso, with emphasis on two institutions, the Federico Santa María Technical University and the Universidad de Chile Valparaíso.

The main objective of the article is to describe, from a historical perspective, the existence of the Escuela Nueva in Chiloe between 1919-1925. This characterization takes as main argument the description of the active method and the way to develop it according to the Organization of Primary Teachers of Ancud through the newspaper The School Bulletin of Ancud.

En el presente artículo se realiza un análisis en torno a los procesos y discursos de racialización y sexualización de la inmigración en la ciudad de Cuenca, Ecuador. En una nueva dinámica migratoria que coloca al Ecuador como país receptor de inmigración, planteamos el interés de indagar alrededor de los imaginarios sociales existentes en torno a las corporalidades de la población inmigrante, inmigración fruto de procesos de acumulación por desposesión (Harvey, 2007), donde la sobreacumulación del capital global, que implica procesos de privatización masiva de los servicios públicos y la mercantilización de la vida, con sociedades en constante riesgo e incertidumbre (Beck, 2006) por situaciones de desempleo, precarización  laboral, pérdida de poder adquisitivo, etc., genera procesos migratorios, voluntarios o forzosos, muy útiles al sistema de  acumulación de capital. Los cuerpos, racializados y sexualizados, sirven al patriarcado capitalista, tal y como sostiene Silvia Federici (2010), al ser sustituto de la desposesión y de la pérdida de  poder que el modelo provoca en los varones. En sociedades con sesgos pigmentócraticos como la cuencana, en las cuales se  egitima el poder de las personas, entre otras variables, por el color de piel blanca sobre personas de piel oscura, se reproducen y sostienen estos mismos procesos de legitimación, racial y (hetero)sexista, a través de la interacción entre las corporalidades de estas comunidades inmigrantes. Como sostiene Federici (2010), el capitalismo nació a través de una extrema violencia, y esa violencia, decide qué cuerpos se toman y qué cuerpos se rechazan y la naturalización de esta opción. Como estrategia de investigación, recurrimos al estudio de caso, esto es, el análisis detallado y en profundidad de un caso concreto sucedido el 11 de septiembre de 2017, durante el cual un ciudadano estadounidense jubilado secuestra durante dos días a dos mujeres jóvenes colombianas para obligarlas a consumir drogas y prostituirlas. Pretendemos una “generalización analítica” (Arzáluz, 2005, p. 121), que nos permita comparar los resultados empíricos del estudio de caso con la teoría. Partimos de dos perspectivas teóricas: por una parte, el trabajo de Michel Foucault y su concepto de biopoder, y, por otra parte, incluiremos la perspectiva feminista en el abordaje de la relación entre racismo y el sistema sexo/género, y clase, específicamente desde los feminismos decoloniales, como enfoques epistémicos decolonizadores (Viveros, 2016). AbstractIn this article an analysis is made about the processes and discourses of racialization and sexualization of immigrantis in the city of Cuenca, Ecuador. In a new migratory dynamic that places Ecuador as an immigration receiving country, we raise the interest of researching around existing social-imaginaries around the corporalities of the immigrant population. which result from processes of accumulation by dispossession (Harvey, 2007), where the overaccumulation of global capital, involving processes of massive privatization of public services and the commodification of life, with societies in constant risk and uncertainty (Beck, 2006) forsituations of unemployment, job insecurity, loss of purchasing power, etc., generates migratory processes, either voluntary or forced, very useful to the system of capital accumulation. The bodies, racialized and sexualized, serve the capitalist patriarchy, as Silvia Federici (2010) maintains, as a substitute for dispossession and the loss of power that the model provokes in males. In societies with color skin biases such as Cuenca, in which the power of people is legitimized, among other variables, by the color of white skin over dark-skinned people, these same processes of legitimacy, race and (hetero) are reproduced and sustained, sexist, through the interaction between the corporalities of these immigrant communities. As Federici (2010) argues, capitalism was born through extreme violence, and that violence decides which bodies are taken and which bodies are rejected and the naturalization of this option. As a research strategy, we resort to the case study, that is, the detailed and in-depth analysis of a concrete case that happened on September 11, 2017, during which a retired US citizen abducted two young women for two days and forced them to use drugs and prostitution. We intend an “analytical generalization” (Arzaluz, 2005, p.121), which allows us to compare the empirical results of the case study with the theory. We start from two theoretical perspectives: on the one hand, the work of Michel Foucault and his concept of biopower, and, on the other hand, we will include the feminist perspective in the approach to the relationship between racism and the sex / gender, and class system, specifically from  ecolonial feminisms, as decolonizing epistemic approaches (Viveros, 2016).Keywords: Migration, decolonial, body, intersectionality, heterosexist, pigmentocracy.

Este artículo examina momentos claves de la historia de la legislación ecuatoriana sobre la violencia contra las mujeres en el siglo XX. Revela cómo las construcciones coloniales y poscoloniales de la femineidad han  travesado al derecho y a los discursos jurídicos durante el siglo pasado. El ideal europeo de la mujer-madre, cristiana, blanco-mestiza, de clase media-alta, sexualmente recatada, se introdujo a través de la colonización y se consolidó después de la independencia, emergiendo como eje crucial para la construcción de un Estado-nación unitario, a través de la protección legal a la familia. La producción de lo femenino como nextricablemente ligado a la procreación y a la crianza, por una parte, facilitó la recepción estatal de las propuestas de los movimientos de mujeres para combatir la violencia contra las mujeres hacia finales del siglo XX, pero al mismo tiempo produjo una representación de la violencia contra las mujeres como un atentado contra la armonía familiar. Esto genera el riesgo de excluir de la esfera de protección del derecho a personas cuyos cuerpos racializados, engenerizados y precarizados no corresponden al paradigma de la mujer de familia digna de ser protegida, riesgo de muy probable proyección hacia las leyes sobre violencia de género del siglo XXI. Palabras clave: Violencia contra las mujeres, Ecuador, feminismo decolonial, violencia familiar, siglo veinte. AbstractThis paper examines key moments in the history of Ecuadorian legislation on violence against women during the 20th century. It reveals how colonial and postcolonial constructions of femininity have crossed historical law and juridical discourses. The European ideal of the woman-mother, Christian, White-mestiza, of upper middle class, sexually contained, was introduced through colonisation and consolidated after the Independence, emerging as a crucial axis for the construction of the unitary Nation-State, through the legal protection of the family. The production of the feminine as inextricably linked to reproduction and child-rearing, on the one hand, facilitated the state reception of women’s movements’ proposals to combat VAW by the end of the 20th century; but, on the other hand, it produced a representation of VAW as an attack against family harmony. This runs the risk of excluding from the scope of legal protection those persons whose racialised, engendered and precarious bodies do not correspond to the paradigm of the family woman who deserves protection. This is likely projected into the VAW legislation of the 21st century.Keywords: Violence against women, Ecuador, decolonial feminism, family violence, twentieth century.