Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This article analyzes the formalization of Sunday rest in Mexico as a result of the outstanding but not exclusive pressure of trade employees, a sector that has been little visible in the historiography of labor which interlocution with commercial owners and local authorities, was supported by the press, mutual societies and churches of different denominations. It is considered that this measure was intended to dignify the leisure time while it was intended to discipline the weekly labor calendar in a process that shows synchronicity with similar experiences in the Iberian and Latin American world.

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The political trajectory of Jose Urrea (1797-1849), a soldier from the presidios of Sonora, is analyzed. Since the 1810 insurgency outbreak, he went from combating the apaches in the frontier, to fighting against other Spaniards and Creoles in the central areas of New Spain. After the independence war, he fully joined the political life of the new country, as other royalist soldiers did. Since the first moments he was apparently linked to the moderate liberals, who were as much opponents to monarchism as to York rite radicalism. His ties with the northern territories led him to identify with federalism, in a period when the country had shifted towards centralism, first in a moderate line, and later on, as of the Arizpe “pronouncement” in 1837, towards radical federalism. He managed to establish a territorial support base in Durango, and he tried to do the same in Sonora, although with negative results due to the strong opposition he received from an elite sector. In spite of his defeats, his federalist “pronouncements” were instrumental to the reestablishment of the Constitution of 1824. Jose Urrea’s political trajectory allows us to observe one of the pathways that led to the links of local elites with national politics.

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For obvious reasons, the study of relations between Mexico and the United States in the 1930s has focused on the impact of the agricultural and oil expropriations carried out by the government of Lázaro Cárdenas. Through an investigation of diplomatic correspondence and contemporary periodical coverage that reflects the foreign policy debates of the inter-war period, this article explores the Spanish Civil War’s place in the bilateral relations between the government of Cárdenas and the administration of Roosevelt. The fear that a rebellion, such as that of Saturnino Cedillo, would replicate the Spanish Civil War in Latin America influenced the response of Washington to the Mexican oil expropriation in a critical manner. For its part, the Mexican government also used the Spanish example to try to convince Washington of the need to consider the oil controversy in light of broader geopolitical issues.

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