Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Law is a fundamental political and social instrument to fight injustices, to seek a more just, sustainable and egalitarian society. The constitution is the basic matrix that establishes the fundamental values and real powers in the State. Thus, the legal system needs to keep up with the social, cultural and economic changes that are part of people's well-being and socialization. This work aims to investigate the fundamental and symbolic values of law, as well as how these are transmuted in the constitution. Additionally, the emergence of human rights and how they influence the new constitutions is addressed. Therefore, given the environmental crisis in which Brazil and the international community is going, the effectiveness of the new guidelines and laws established in the constitution in the environmental plan is investigated and debated, using the Legal Amazon as a case study. Keywords: Fraternal Law, Fundamental Values, Neoconstitutionalism, Human Rights, Environment.

The collapse of the Fundão dam is one of the greatest socio-environmental calamities. In order to speed up the repair and compensation process, the Fundação Renova was created, an entity resposible for the Mediated Indemnity Program (MIP), designed to determining the amounts to be paid. Faced with the exposed situation, this paper analyzes the obstacles of the negotiator's dilemma to access to justice, through mediation, based on the adversities found in MIP. From the gathered elements, stands out that, despite presenting itself as a win-win approach, the MIP, by not incorporating the pricipled negotiation and by the effect of the negotiator's dilemma, culminating in agreements unfavorable to Renova and those impacted, an issue that, if not addressed, can be reproduced in other claims resolution facilities. As a mechanism to reverse this result, it is proposed to expand mediation, making it in charge of coordinating all communication with parties and eligibility to MIP, promoting, at the same time, relationship between the foundation and those affected, with the conditions for a mutual gains procedure.

RESUMO: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o letramento vernacular como promotor de uma educação cidadã. Por assim ser, trata-se de direito fundamentalmente humano, essencial à perseguição de demais prerrogativas. Para tanto, inicia-se uma abordagem jurídica sobre a discordância teórica acerca da forma como a academia tem cunhado esse estudo. Nessa esteira de entendimento, opta-se pela análise bonavidiana, de consenso majoritário entre os constitucionalistas, que depõe a favor da “dimensão” teórica dos direitos fundamentais, preterindo o que se nomina como “geração”. Nesse sentido, importa consignar a diferença entre os direitos humanos e os fundamentais, demarcando o letramento vernacular como fundamentalmente humano, assim como o é a educação. Não à toa, a educação pública, ao ser fragilizada, promove verdadeiro desmonte na democracia brasileira, motivo pelo qual é mister que a escola oportunize efetivo aprendizado da norma padrão da língua portuguesa, linguagem por meio da qual os gêneros jurídicos se manifestam. Esta pesquisa é bibliográfica, com coleta de dados qualitativa, e aponta para a necessidade de que a escola pública garanta não apenas o acesso, no Brasil, mas também o padrão mínimo de qualidade, sob pena de esfacelamento da própria democracia do Brasil.   Palavras-chave: Democracia. Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil. Ensino. Aprendizagem efetiva. Direito internacional.

After a past of electoral fraud and corruption, the introduction of electronic voting in Brazil and its gradual acceptance, consolidated electoral democracy in the country. However, this harmony began to crumble with the growing suspicion regarding this electoral model. Along these lines, this study aims to investigate distrust in electronic voting machines, as a factor for compromising the credibility of the electoral system in Brazil, as well as to elucidate the institutional transition from trust to disbelief in the electronic voting system, shaken by irritations of political actors linked to the elections, which led to clashes against the electoral results. To analyze this context, it was necessary to understand electronic voting and electoral justice as solutions to the past of successive frauds, which prevailed as strong and well-articulated informal institutions. Thus, a bibliographical review was carried out of the main authors who studied the history of the electoral system and also the themes that shaped this past, such as coronelismo and the halter vote. The research used the theoretical contribution of the Neoinstitutional paradigm of North, Brinks and Levitsky, who understand institutions as “rules of the game” and also the Social Capital framework, coined by Putnam and Fukuyama. Keywords: electronic voting machines; electoral justice; share capital; Neoinstitutionalism; institutions.  

Neoconservative movements have expanded in the last decade in the Brazilian political scene; contrary to the guidelines of diversity, sexual and reproductive rights, found in the field of Law another space to dispute narratives about religious dogmas that narrow the possibilities of free gender and sexuality. In this step, the dissemination of the neoliberal logic – which restructures the State and facilitates neoconservatism to crystallize – is intertwined with it. In addition to common instrumentalization, reactive juridification is used strategically to support essentialist views of sexual and reproductive rights. The femininities that hold these rights, in turn, struggle with the exclusionary systems, encounter different difficulties depending on their social markers (sex, race, sexual orientation, etc.), which is why the questions are repeated, constituting the problem to be treated in this article. To study this problem, the inductive approach method is used; the method of procedure is monographic; and the research technique is bibliographic. As a result, it was concluded that neoconservatives undertake a certain culture of death, with their narratives that contribute to the extermination of women every day, silencing them in countless ways, mainly through institutional bias.

Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar o debate acadêmico e as narrativas que dai derivam sobre a participação do Brasil na Missão das Nações Unidas para a estabilização no Haiti – Minustah- (sigla do acrônimo em francês: Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti). A missão começou em 2004 e foi concluída em 2017. O Brasil foi responsável pelo comando da missão sob a égida da ONU – Organização das Nações Unidas. O tema tornou-se objeto de pesquisa de diversas áreas de conhecimento e os debates sobre as consequências da Missão tornaram-se alvo de disputas de versões e análises. Para confecção deste artigo foram analisados num total de treze artigos, uma monografia e quatro dissertações que tratam da missão sob vários prismas, escritos entre os anos de 2005 a 2017. Depois da análise deste repertório pode-se considerar o debate acadêmico sobre a participação do Brasil na Minustah como multifacetado, porém predominantemente embuido de narrativa crítica ao envolvimento do governo brasileiro na missão supracitada.

Nesse trabalho, o autor investiga a função e a responsabilidade civil adjacente à tutela da Proteção de Dados Pessoais a partir do Direito Comunitário Europeu, debatendo questões de ordem material e processual no marco normativo vigente. Seu desenvolvimento tem em consideração, também, a Lei Geral de Proteção de Dados brasileira. Trata-se de estudo abrangente, repercutindo debates em torno de temas amplos como os ligados à legitimidade, aos serviços digitais e aos processos e procedimentos de indenização e ressarcimento quando da prática de atos de violação.

On 28 October 2018 the far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro won the presidential elections in Brazil with 55% of the vote. This result has been viewed by many as yet another instance of the global rise of authoritarian populist leaders, grouping Bolsonaro alongside the likes of Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, India’s Narendra Modi, or Donald Trump in the USA – indeed, Bolsonaro has been dubbed the “Trump of the Tropics”. The focus on Bolsonaro himself reflects the strong emphasis on executives in a rapidly expanding literature suggesting the emergence of a new form of would-be autocrat who is democratically elected but who hollows out democratic rule over time. However, this article argues that, far beyond Bolsonaro, the Brazilian experience is an important case-study as it prompts reflection on three fundamental propositions. First, any analysis of liberal democracy as the perceived object of attack must be highly cognisant of the democratic ‘starting point’ and history of a given state. Second, an excessive focus on executive-led assaults on democratic rule can impede fuller analysis of a broader suite of actors and factors relevant to the (declining) health of the democratic system. Third, authoritarianism is a more appropriate analytical lens than populism for identifying potential democratic threats, especially in the Brazilian context.

The different conceptions of internet governance make this term mobilized in different ways depending on the actors and interests involved. The central problem of this study is to understand the framework of the internet governance concept. From the systematic literature review carried out, it is concluded that there is a predominance of the adoption of the concept established at the World Summit on the Information Society. Despite the incorporation of this definition, the publications analyzed suggest conceptual revisions and additions, especially in relation to the design of the multisectoral model, the exclusion of practical and informal elements from this domain, and the relationship of this domain to the administration of resources mobilized in the network. Furthermore, it is clear that the consolidation of a specific definition of the term is a secondary demand compared to the need for the theoretical framework of internet governance to encompass practices and actors that are not yet recognized as belonging to this field.