Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

In this article we explore the idea of complexity in education starting from Edgar Morin’s critique about the over simplification of a phenomenon. In order to do so, we develop two domains that show us a way to expand our comprehension of complexity beyond its didactical aspects. In one case we consider the political component of education, taking as an example the American movement of “critical pedagogy”. On the other hand we consider the importance of the affective aspect in teaching, through the paradigm of “confluent education”.  

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The discussion on the relationship between migration and development has been hegemonaized  by perspective of host countries and international organizations. In the past decade it has established the analysis of international migration from the perspective of national security in host countries. In this years has taken hold conservative political positions that support the criminalization of undocumented migration, and driving various immigration control policies. Given this view, we propose to move on from the approach of the "management migration", to one of the so-called "migration governance," which seeks to include the rights and interests of migrants in the center of the debate. What we want to show in this paper, is that the hegemonic perspective has invisiblized both economic and demographic conditions of the destination countries that support and give space to immigration, and the contribution of these immigrants to the dynamics of the economy and reproduction of these societies. We expose estimates of the contribution of Latin American immigrants to the economic and social dynamics of the United States and Spain, the main destination of this migration flow. For this, we provide sustenance in the analysis of quantitative data and information from official statistics of both countries and the development of an analytical model that seeks to provide a comprehensive view of the role of international migration on social reproduction in demographic and economic advanced societies.

This article aims at discussing the role that civic ceremonies and monuments played in the early 20th century, as dynamic mechanisms for the “chileanization” in the Tarapacá desert, especially in the port of Iquique. This work thinks from a social historical perspective, about the public celebrations as symbolic rites, where integration and/or belonging to the national community is materialized. These civic events were no lesspersuasive than other rather “violent” ways of promoting the sense of nation in the new territories added to the Chilean state.

Although the first readings and appropriations of Michel Foucault’s texts in Argentina date back to the end of the 1950s, this paper analyzes some forms of circulation, reading, interpretation and appropriation of Foucault’s elaborations under the conditions imposed by Argentina’s last military dictatorship. This paper’s principal aim is then to historically rebuilt and analyze some of these appropriations which, between the end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s, appeared within the Social Sciences, in academic debates and in works related to local problems. The hypothesis is that it is possible to see the vitality of an  underground public space that survived even the worst conditions of oppression. Analyzing some of these cases, allows to explore strategic uses of Foucault’s elaborations within the political-intellectual area, extending the margins of a suffocated public space.

This article focuses on the reconstruction of the conflict between the agrarian argentinian bourgeoisie and the national government, headed by Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, between March and July 2008. These inter-bourgeois confrontation are compared with their immediate predecessor, the “agricultural strikes” of 1975, with which the rural corporations began an offensive to drive the coup of March 1976, whose program was to eliminate the revolutionary threat and boosting capital accumulation. We will rebuild the social alliances competing in both situations, its components, its programs and activities, with particular attention to political action undertaken by the agrarian bourgeoisie. We seek to unravel in this way the nature of both crises, their similarities and differences.

Due to lack of territorial vision in a national scale, which reveals the pattern of current environmental conflicts in Chile, we propose the construction of a synthetic index of social vulnerability, with support in the political-administrative analysis unit of local government, with the location of environmental conflicts reported by non-governmental organization groups. This will allow studying the spatial relationship existing, in order to determine which profile of territorial units bear a greater impossition of negative externalities generated by private investment projects. Also, the approach allows quantifying the levels of environmental justice in the country.

The economic crisis is what Illich called «a real crisis» because it supports two opposite solutions: 1. increasing dependencies to markets; 2. selectively renounce to certain goods and services. This paper argues for the second solution. To make it possible, the history and epistemology of economics are more important than all the micro-and macroeconomics. Choosing the first solution will only increase a characteristic of modern economy which is its ability to generate wealth summits alongside depths of misery. Seen as an invitation to selective renunciation, the crisis can be a stimulus to the real policy options, that is, the options that seriously consider the return of subsistence knowledges that were subjugated by the economic system.