Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

The mass arrival of Venezuelan immigrants escaping the macroeconomic catastrophe caused by the Maduro government is a unique event in Peru’s recent economic history. This text uses a Keynesian model, where employment depends on aggregate demand, in an attempt to identify the two channels through which mass immigration reduces, in the short term, employment and real wages. These two channels are the increase in the labor force, which reduces nominal and real wages; and the decrease in employees’ propensity to consume if immigrants substitute local workers in the labor market.Venezuelan workers bear no responsibility whatsoever for bringing about this situation. Like the many Peruvians who have emigrated since the 1980s, they only look for the best for their families. All of the responsibility lies with the Kuczynski government and its policy of free immigration, which artificially extends the surplus of urban labor in the Peruvian economy

This study estimates the relationship between parents’ years of education and that of their children. We use multiple waves of the national household survey (ENAHO) to cover generations born in Peru between 1950 and 1989. This allows us to analyze in greater detail the general evolution of social mobility in the country, as well as different demographic, geographic and ethnic groups during the second half of the 20th century. We find that the relationship between parents’ education levels and those of their children is positive and significant throughout the period analyzed. Nevertheless, the beta coefficient of intergenerational transmission of education diminishes markedly throughout the decades. It is particularly high (0.74) for those born between 1950 and 1959, but below 0.45 for those born between 1980 and 1989. Furthermore, there are great disparities and irregular trends depending on the groups analyzed. There is a greater reduction of the beta coefficient in the case of female heads than of male heads. Household heads self-identified as “mestizo” and born between 1980 and 1989 have a beta coefficient of 0.41; while those self-identified as “negro o mulato”, born within the same time frame, show a beta coefficient of 0.59. Household heads self-identified as “negro o mulato” experience the least reduction of the beta coefficient throughout the years

There is some consensus that technological changes bring about important changes in the organization of production and work: 1) technological changes cause job losses (the opportunity costs of incorporating machines are advantageous compared to those of not replacing labor) but also job creation, making it difficult to predict the net balance in each country; 2) in many cases, the effect of technological changes is not only the loss/creation of jobs, but the disappearance/creation of crafts and trades; 3) besides these quantitative effects, technological changes and the reorganization of forms of production result in the emergence of new, unconventional ways of using labor that are not easily adapted to current regulations; 4) household poverty is reduced, but inequality increases within domestic labor markets, as well as between the labor markets of different countries. This study will analyse all of these aspects. Section 2 summarizes the qualitative and quantitative effects of these changes on employment and the composition of the occupational structure, as well as new ways of using labor and increasing inequality in the labor market. Section 3 presents some reflections on changes in labor relations and the challenges they pose to labor regulations and the role of social actors

Este texto se divide en tres partes. Primero, describiré mi encuentro con los escritos de Marx y adónde me condujo. Segundo, mencionaré algunas críticas a sus planteamientos más importantes. Por último, concluiré mencionando cuál sería el contenido de un ideario político-filosófico partiendo de un Marx partidario de la democracia con emancipación.

The present article is intended to describe the Inkas’ state economy in a comparative conceptual framework, while explaining how their own view of things directed the economy’s trajectory. Although other authors have made similar efforts, most prominently from Marxist perspectives, investigators working in the Andes generally work with terminology that is distinctly Andean in content and grounded in economic anthropology (see below). Most of this chapter is devoted to describing the state economy, but it will be useful at the inception to ask how applicable the Eurocentric frameworks described in this volume’s introduction are to the premodern American cases. The analytical vocabularies employed for European fiscal history, such as “fiscal state,” “domain state,” or “fiscal regime,” are seldom if ever applied. This situation does not necessarily imply that such concepts are not translatable to the Inka Empire, but it does require that we assess the utility of their application