Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

The intend of this article is to analyze two specific events related to the interaction between the leaders from the Costa Rican liberals and their homologs from the catholic church represented not only by Mgr. Thiel in Costa Rica, but also by the Holy See in Rome during the late XIX century. The main goal is to explain the true interest behind the proposal from the liberals in Costa Rica to sign the concordat in 1894. In addition it will be examined the real reasons for the regularization of religious symbols during the political campaigns modifying the 36th article of the Constitution, consequently the document tries to demonstrate how the Costa Rican government efforts were focused to overrule not only the catholic leaders but also the congregation, however the reality was very different, so at the end the government was forced to reconsider their interests based on the actual situations that took placed then, therefore they needed to give a sort of social and political freedom to the clergy.

The article addresses the context in which the Productive Reconversion Program of the Agricultural Sector arises in the late 1990s, as a response to the demands of the peasant groups for an agricultural development policy that implies the productive transformation and the competitive incursion in domestic and foreign markets. It examines the main implications of economic opening processes on peasant production, as well as the process of negotiation, approval and shaping of the program. Finally, an overview of the first projects of productive reconversion approved with resources of the program is presented.

25 years ago the Salvadoran guerrilla of the FMLN signed the peace with the government of the ARENA party. This event occurred two years after the signing of agreements between the M-19 and the liberal party at that time in power in Colombia. Both the FMLN and the M-19 would drop their weapons and go to the polls through the formation of political parties, one with a resounding electoral success and another with a failure of the same extent. The aim of this article is to give a comparative perspective on the two processes in order to understand how the negotiations took place, in what contexts the respective agreements were built and finally what solidified bases for the future processes of political participation.

The city of Cartago was the most important administrative and political center of the colony in our country, has deserved many studies of not few social researchers, about its origin, population, demography and other subjects, so with this article, we intend to give another point of view as a reference that contributes to the knowledge of our own history. In this work we enter into the daily life of mestizos, mulattos, zambos and other mixed inhabitants of the city of Cartago. First, we refer to the origins and founding of the city; secondly, we determined the demographic evolution and spatial distribution of the mixed residents in the city and its neighborhoods; third, we review the function in the economy Colonial and urban dynamics of the mixed and, lastly, we analyze the meaning of miscegenation and the inhabitants of mixed origins in Cartago's colonial society. The investigation is based on primary sources that include documents from The National Historic Archive of Costa Rica.

The objective of this article is to determine the effect that the First World War (1914-1918) had on the political, social and cultural spheres of Costa Rican women at the beginning of the 20th century. For this, three types of documentary sources are considered: diplomatic reports, cultural magazines and press. In this way, the article analyzes, first, the study problems contributed by international historiographies of gender and women to the knowledge of the Great War; second, the socio-political overview of Costa Rican women at the time of the war is reconstructed; and third, it analyzes the different repercussions that this war had on women, taking into account the image of women about their participation in the war, their experiences during it as they lived in the country or on the European continent, their forms of distance mobilization and the ways in which this participation affected the shaping of the feminist movement of the time.

This article aims to analyze, from the history of the organizations, the relationship between memory and the banana cities built by the United Fruit Company in Central America during the 20th century. It is based on the ideas put forward by Charles Booth, Peter Clark, Agnes Delahaye, Stephen Procter and Michael Rowlinson regarding the use of the history of organizations and how from this perspective companies build a historical legacy for their employees and the general public. Using company printed sources, as well as written testimonies of former banana workers, the research tries to identify how banana cities were converted and built as places of memory. The banana city arises from the programs of the so-called “corporate welfare” of the beginning of the previous century, which sought, among other things, not only the loyalty of employees, but also that they feel well and at ease in the divisions where their Companies had settled outside US territory. The majority of articles, whose research has been the relationship between cities and memory, have been restricted to study them from conceptions derived from nationalism. This article demonstrates how companies also generate and construct memories through their different dependencies. In the same way, it can be seen how the whole corporate welfare policy of the United Fruit Company was mainly aimed at legitimizing and supporting its presence in the Central American region.

El Dr. Juan Pedro Viqueira Albán -Ciudad de México, 1954- actualmente es profesor e investigador del Centro de Estudios Históricos de El Colegio de México. Con base en las tradiciones de la historia y la antropología social, sus investigaciones sobre demografía y geografía histórica han ofrecido elementos de análisis para comprender el pasado y la situación contemporánea de Chiapas. En ese sentido, dichos aportes han matizado las visiones simplistas e ideologizadas que sobre este Estado florecieron a raíz del levantamiento armado zapatista del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) el 1 de enero de 1994. En la presente entrevista nos interesa conocer su experiencia investigativa en la elaboración de tales estudios, cómo se ha renovado la historiografía chiapaneca en las últimas décadas, así como sus puntos de vista sobre los vínculos que se puedan hacer entre la historia de Chiapas y la de los países centroamericanos.

Estamos ante una obra monumental de compilación y crítica de fuentes relativa a los tributarios de la Provincia de Chiapas a lo largo de todo el período colonial. La publicación comprende un tomo impreso muy voluminoso y una extensa base de datos disponible en la red. Sigue un resumen de los principales contenidos del tomo impreso.

This article aims the diverse landscape of Upala in the first half of the century, which was developed by the settlers of that place. For that reason, this research incorporates pieces of the autobiographies of the farmers, both Costa Ricans and Nicaraguans, who describe the history of the space environment. Furthermore, factors, such as the physical geography, social environment and cultural background, are characteristics considered to study the historical landscape as a whole. Moreover, the reader can appreciate a detailed analysis of four aspects: 1) the settlements and the use of natural resources; 2) Upala’s first agriculture production; 3) the migration and social relations patterns of Costa Ricans and Nicaraguans and; 4) the regional identity of this population.

Aunque Cartago era la capital de la provincia, las actividades económicas, tanto del momento como futuras, se encontraban en San José que era el verdadero centro de la provincia. Después de la independencia en 1821, el reforzamiento como centro de las decisiones políticas y económicas estuvo indudablemente ligado al surgimiento del cultivo de café y al trascendental componente de la demanda exterior. No obstante, un documento municipal de 1825 que clasificaba para efectos fiscales las industrias practicadas en San José, sitúa la caña de azúcar en primer lugar.