Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

¿Qué factores afectan la productividad de los legisladores? En este artículo, argumentamos que la productividad legislativa depende no solo de la afiliación partidaria, la experiencia, el género y otras consideraciones contextuales (por ejemplo, la alineación con el ejecutivo), como han demostrado estudios anteriores, sino también de las conexiones entre los legisladores. Nuestro principal argumento es que la productividad de los diputados para lograr que sus iniciativas sean aprobadas en la cámara depende de su centralidad en la red de cofirmantes de propuestas legislativas. A diferencia de estudios previos acerca de legislaturas latinoamericanas que, generalmente, consideran los proyectos de ley como la unidad de análisis, nos enfocamos en los legisladores de manera individual. Para testear nuestra hipótesis utilizamos datos de la Cámara de Diputados de Argentina entre 1983 y 2019.

The year 2021 marked the 25th anniversary of the signing of Guatemala’s landmark peace accords. Yet celebrations of this historic achievement stood in sharp contrast to the year’s alarming trends in the deterioration of democracy and the rule of law. Reviewing the events of 2021, this article uncovers two key patterns in Guatemalan politics, both evidence of democratic decline: 1) open assaults on judicial independence and breaches of the constitutional order, and 2) an escalation in the criminalization of government critics, particularly those on the frontlines of the anti-corruption struggle. It also takes stock of the most pernicious consequences of these patterns, including the abysmal Covid-19 response and the new opportunities for corruption amid resurgent impunity. Combined, these dynamics have also increased tensions within US-Guatemala relations as the Biden White House increasingly perceived the Guatemalan government as an unreliable partner in tackling the root causes of migration. In sum, 2021 was an inflection point in Guatemala’s 25-year trajectory of peace—one that has steadily sent the country down an authoritarian path like many of its neighbors in the Western Hemisphere.

Elites are vital actors in understanding state strengths and weaknesses during critical times. To what extent do Central American elites constrain tax policies implemented during COVID-19? Using novel data sets of cabinet trajectories and tax policies implemented in Central America, this article offers an in-depth empirical comparative analysis of the elites' trajectories and resources, state capacities, and policy implementation. Our findings show first, that when state capacities are weak, and elites' capacities for influence are strong, the policy response is regressive. Second, when there are weak state capacities and inter-elite conflicts, the policy responses are used as a control mechanism. And third, where state capacities are strong, but elites are cohesive, policy responses tend to favor the fiscal status quo. This article contributes to increasing our understanding of the relationship between elite power and public policies by making an empirical and conceptual contribution to studying elites.

The Chilean Constitutional Convention of 2021-2022 represents an unusual case of a deliberative body with few agenda restrictions provided by other political bodies and fulfilled by non-partisan members. This lack of institutional constraints imposes a challenge to reach stable equilibria for collective action. As such, it is an ideal scenario to study the role of ideology to shape the emergence of collective action. In this study, we estimate the ideology of each of its members using the first month of roll calls. Then, the estimated ideology is used to explain members’ decisions to cosponsor bills focused on setting the rules of the game for the Convention.

This paper explains the configuration of the political scenario in Ecuador after the 2021 general elections. The pandemic left a challenging economic and social aftermath that created policy challenges for the new government. Guillermo Lasso won the elections securing support from the anticorreísmo front. However, this electoral coalition did not translate into the legislative arena. Lasso addressed policy challenges using political strategies widely used in Ecuador by minority governments during the nineties. We focus on Lasso’s attempts to push economic reforms to show how his legislative strategy adapted to the prevailing political conditions, namely: 1) aimed for less ambitious policy goals; 2) used his institutional prerogatives to shape the legislative agenda; and, 3) crafted short-lived and informal agreements in exchange for (political) pork. Complex executive-legislative relations can limit the government’s ability to address economic and social problems in the future, which could lead to political and economic instability, as in the past. De facto coalitions are necessary for Lasso yet come at a cost for a government quickly losing support. We also provide an overview of other social problems and policy responses relevant throughout this year.

Guyana, a small oft-forgotten country in South America, has seen its prospects shift markedly in recent years. Previously lauded as a world leader in environmental conservation and avoided deforestation initiatives, Guyana recently made international headlines when significant oil discoveries were made in its territorial waters. Using a model of convergence, stasis and reverberation, this article positions these developments historically and politically. In it, I argue that Guyana’s shifting fortunes are reflective of broader regional and international shifts and contestations around post-colonial development and climate policy. The article shows how different forms of vulnerability coalesced over time to position Guyana as both vulnerable and as agential. The state’s vulnerability lies in its susceptibility to natural disasters through climate change, imperialism in the wake of colonialism, and ethnic strife through race-based politics. Its agency, on the other hand, lies in its deployment of its natural resources and its geographic location to negotiate changing geo-political arrangements and efforts to address climate change. In developing this argument, the article views, and positions Guyana as a microcosm of several pressing and overlapping global crises – a metaphorical eye of the storm.

Durante el 2021, el gobierno dio pasos hacia un aparente proceso de apertura política. Desde la Asamblea Nacional electa en 2020 se nombraron nuevas autoridades electorales con la participación de la sociedad civil y se convocó a elecciones regionales y municipales con presencia de observación internacional. Así mismo, se inició un proceso de negociación en México con el propósito de reinstitucionalizar el país. Sin embargo, aún cuando la oposición regresó a la arena electoral, la apertura política quedó truncada toda vez que el gobierno se retiró de la negociación en México, anuló el resultado de la elección en Barinas y mantuvo las prácticas autoritarias de los años anteriores. El objetivo del artículo es hacer un análisis de la situación sociopolítica venezolana en 2021, teniendo como telón de fondo este intento de liberalización política.

This paper engages existing research on informal institutions in Latin America, by analyzing informal institutions related to public appointments in Chile with particular reference to what is known as the cuoteo. We extend the analysis from the national to the regional and local levels by considering how these informal institutions shape politics. Our research reveals that the nature and function of the cuoteo change according to the level of government at which it operates. Through this analysis we show how the decline of the cuoteo can lead to the erosion of its ability to contribute to the operation of high-quality formal institutions. We combine a review of literature with the analysis of 132 interviews in six regions of Chile.

The third year of the Bolsonaro presidency coincided with the second year of the pandemic of the Covid-19, and with the worsening of economic conditions in the country. This article contends that Brazil’s economic performance, resulting from a unique mix of “bad luck” and incompetence, is the main driver of Bolsonaro’s low popular support and unfavorable electoral prospects, six months before the poll. I rely on the literature on economic voting and on assignment of responsibility to argue that this is true because citizens (1) have short memory, (2) do not discount exogenous conditions when casting an economic vote, and (3) hold the president responsible for economic outcomes. I conclude by discussing how the early realization of a potential electoral loss helps explain Bolsonaro’s growing focus on his core support base and systematic attempts to challenge the fairness of Brazilian elections.

Mexico is undergoing a process of democratic backsliding. Three developments exemplified this phenomenon in 2021. Midterm elections for legislative and local branches posed a challenge to the autocratization process. However, voting results failed to impose a clear punishment to the López Obrador administration. Yet, while the government preserved a plurality in the lower chamber it lost the absolute majority that enabled it to amend the constitution single handedly. Secondly, the president used direct democracy mechanisms to manipulate and mobilize the electorate. The subordination of the judiciary in this process further confirmed that horizontal checks were ineffective. Lastly, the executive curtailed pluralism by going on the attack against critics, universities and scientists. Some observers claim that state weakness might be a safeguard against the imposition of autocracy. Nonetheless, the case of Mexico shows that autocratization might proceed even when state capabilities are diminished. In conclusion, democracy in Mexico has shown some resilience, but an authoritarian restoration in the near future is still likely.