Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los imaginarios políticos que aparecen en los noticiarios cinematográficos que tratan sobre las visitas oficiales al exterior realizadas en la segunda etapa del primer peronismo (1952-1954). Utilizando bibliografía especializada y variados recursos visuales (especialmente fotografías, filmes y afiches propagandísticos) se construyeron una serie de indicadores, para luego volcarlos en el análisis de noticiarios informativos. Éstos eran proyectados en momentos previos a las películas de la época, y tratan sobre las visitas internacionales del presidente. De esta manera, se ha constatado que una amplia gama de imaginarios descritos en esta obra se hicieron visibles en los noticieros.

El 29 de marzo de 1962 se produjo el anunciado golpe de estado contra Frondizi, luego del triunfo electoral peronista en varias provincias. Durante las semanas previas habían arreciado las presiones militares contra el líder de la UCRI, tanto por su negativa a avalar la exclusión de Cuba de la OEA en la conferencia de Punta del Este como por el parcial levantamiento de la proscripción a los peronistas. Antes, durante y después del golpe, cuando la Administración Guido buscó insistentemente el reconocimiento diplomático por parte de la Casa Blanca, el embajador estadounidense Robert McClintock tuvo una larvada, pero no por eso menos intensa, intervención en la crisis política que se desarrollaba en Buenos Aires. En base a documentación inédita del AMREC y el Archivo Frondizi, y de los archivos del Departamento de Estado y la Biblioteca Presidencial John F. Kennedy, reproducimos en este artículo los entretelones de la participación estadounidense en este proceso, crucial no sólo para la vida política argentina sino para las relaciones interamericanas en la turbulenta década de 1960.

The monitoring of some of the main families of Santa Fe during the 18th century has allowed us to reconstruct the dense network of relationships that constituted one of the pillars on which these privileged groups built their material and symbolic domination. The constant reconfiguration of these networks - which transcended local borders and reached a vast space that included the imperial Metropolis - had its own dynamics in this region, especially in the special situation of the end of the century with the reforms that the Bourbon dynasty tried to impose on the territory. The reconstruction of marriage and kinship alliances has allowed us to observe the particular forms of political construction that made it possible for these groups of power to readjust to the profound changes of the late 18th century in the region.

The present work deals with a localized experience of the situation opened by the Real Pragmática of Carlos III in 1767 that ordered the estrangement and expulsion of the members of the Society of Jesus. Carrying out the execution required a dense network of relationships and involved numerous officials of the monarchical administration on both sides of the Atlantic. In Santa Fe, Lieutenant Governor Joaquín Maciel was appointed by the Governor of Buenos Aires.  The latter used different people close to him to carry it out, generating conflicts with other prominent members who had been left out of the distribution of assignments.

The present work proposes to explore the transformations that the South Sea Navy underwent since its constitution and up to the "new plant" reforms applied in the mid 1710s, the latter being considered a point of arrival rather than an attempt to create a new sea force in the Peruvian viceroyalty. The proposed route focuses on the context of the first reforms implemented by Philip V and on the participation within the navy of officers of northern origin (mostly from Guipuzcoa and Biscay), who were part of the new elite that surrounded the first Bourbon.

Death is perhaps one of the issues that has generated most fear in women and men throughout history. In the Christian imagination, there was a wide range of actions to shorten the time spent in Purgatory and thus gain access to Paradise. The Hispanic Monarchy embraced this worldview and implanted it in its overseas territories. The burial of bodies on the floors of churches had been practiced for centuries. It was believed that prayers and masses would help the dead reach salvation. This article aims to address these elements of the Christian imaginary with regard to funeral practices for the city of Santa Fe de la Veracruz during the second half of the 18th and early 19th centuries.

Francisco Maldonado da Silva, a doctor and surgeon born in San Miguel de Tucumán, the son of a Portuguese surgeon - also prosecuted by the Inquisition in Lima - and an old Christian, was tried by the Holy Office and sentenced to die at the stake in an Auto de Fe in 1639. Based on Inquisitorial documents we will investigate certain aspects of his career, especially considering his religious condition: in spite of having been baptized and educated as a Christian, he decided to "live and die in the Law of Moses". As a result of his debates on theological issues with the Inquisition's qualifiers, we will analyze mechanisms put into practice by this tribunal in the context of denominational questioning and dissidence, typical of the period of the Religious Reforms.

The present study aims to investigate the political, commercial, landscape and kinship ties of the Governor of Tucumán, Gerónimo Matorras, from his native Laredo to his inauguration as Governor. Matorras was a Cantabrian merchant who, from the middle of the 18th century, began to weave links in the porteño society, especially in a nucleus of Biscayan origin. Goods, marriage policy, interests, friendships and enmities are constantly reconfigured within this network of relationships that allows us to transcend the local view of the Governorship of Tucumán and establish relationships between social actors in different corners of the monarchy.