Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This article aims to bring together theoretical subsidies for a critical approach to the territorialization practices that are provided for in the Health System's Primary Health Care and to offer a few practical elements to guide its expansion through the incorporation of new views and environmental and worker health issues, as proposed in the territory. To achieve this, the territory and territorialization concepts are questioned based on different notions in order to dialogue with the attributions and challenges of Health Surveillance and, in particular, of the Family Health Strategy. The production-labor, health-environment relations are discussed with regard to their relevance for the understanding of the living dynamics of the health-disease process in the territory. Finally, a few steps that can contribute to the reorganization and expansion of the territorialization practices in Primary Health Care are presented.

The purpose of this article is to examine the struggle in the field of educational policies during the proceduring of the Law of Directives and Bases of National Education (Law n.º 9394/1996) in Congress and the most significant changes made to its provisions in the decade after the law was enacted. These are the conflicts among the players of two worlds with conflicting ideologies about the conceptions regarding the society, citizenship, education, school and education: the real world, of the educators, and the official one, the educational system universe. These clashes, at the House of Representatives, led to the 'open reconciliation' of the interests of the supporters of free public education and the backers of private schools as a strategy for the inclusion of their demands under the legislation. At the Senate, a review of the casuistic regimental procedures led to the conclusion that the strong pressure exerted by the system's world power (the Executive), represented by the Ministry of Education, favored the actions of private education interests, which prevailed in a hegemonic manner over those of the advocates of public, secular, free, and quality education at all levels for all citizens. Such procedures replicate in the development of the law during the following decade, since the two educational projects remain in contention in the political arena.

The sociological debates that arose in the 1970s and in the following decades, structured in response to the perceived crisis of Marxism, are based on a common assumption, namely, the ineffectiveness of Marxist theory and of its fundamental analytical categories to understand the heterogeneous reality of the contemporary societies. The diagnosis is simple: the social class, labor, and class struggle concepts could no longer stand up to the social dynamics of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. The main objective of this perspective, however, focuses not on finding the problem, rather on generalizing it to the entire Marxist literature. If, on one hand, the criticism of the notions of social class, labor, and political struggle limited to the factory is fundamental, on the other, it cannot be regarded as a moment of overcoming the Marxist theoretical problem. In this essay, I intend to clarify the starting point and the boundaries of the theories about the non-centrality of labor and about immaterial labor as a central productive force in which I will make a reading of social classes, labor, and of the political struggle unlike that which is criticized by the theses that make up these debates.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the meaning of labor for adolescents who frequent a non-governmental organization (NGO) that aims to offer vocational and technical training and seeks inclusion in the form of paid internships for disadvantaged young people. To grasp the meaning of labor, interviews were carried out among thirty adolescents who were associated with this NGO and were working. An automated content analysis, using the Alceste® software, was applied to examine the interviews. The analysis points to three categories of discourse, with positive and negative aspects of labor: careers, in which work appears as an avenue for social mobility; work, leisure, and family, in which labor is seen as a means to provide for themselves and their families; personal project, in which it is associated with responsibility and social participation.

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Developing nurse managerial competencies and Nursing Administration syllabuses led to reflections on the relationship between a political and pedagogical project for a graduate course and the profile of those who graduate from it, as proposed in the National Curricular Guidelines, and the nurse work market in Curitiba, in the Brazilian state of Paraná. The purpose of the descriptive-exploratory and qualitative survey was to identify convergences and divergences between the expectations identified in the political-pedagogical project and those of the managers who hire nurses. The Brazilian education and health policies were singled-out as determinant factors for qualification and teaching in Administration in the nursing area. The hermeneutic-dialectic analysis of the managerial competencies that are expected in the teaching and work market ambits was guided by the determinant axis, i.e., that of the structural dimension which covers these policies; of the particular dimension, represented by the local work market and by the teaching institution; and of the singular dimension, pertinent to the ambit of teaching Administration in Nursing. The results show the need for teaching to close the gap with the work market with regard to boosting the nurses' managerial competency beyond the technical dimension to include the communicational, ethical, political, and citizenship development realms.

This article comments on and debates a few ideas presented by Kuenzer in an article published in this edition regarding the perspective of the hegemonic contentions among the groups that occupy the State in its relationship with the civil society. We have resumed the analysis of the public forces that influenced the reform made by decree # 2.208/97 by discussing the choice made by the first Lula administration to redirect the public professional education policy towards the commitments taken-on with progressive sectors. Nonetheless, this process brought contradictions to the 'new' policy's content and form. Brazil's professional education, even in an era in which the technical and scientific base of production has become more complex, seeks to qualify people for simple work while using symbolic control devices in association with the idea of citizenship and social intervention. So far as complex work is concerned, the projects under discussion do not bring the needed science and technology production publicization under the spotlight, one that should be guided by the organic bind between the workers' omnilateral and polytechnic education, public policy for science and technology, and the design of a sovereign nation. We conclude this conception is neither hegemonic in the civil society nor a governmental priority. By analyzing these phenomena and their contradictions, we can learn with history

The purpose of this article is to debate professional education reforms and its adjustment to the social relations developed in capitalistic production. Initially, the text highlights how the theoretical production and political action spheres interrelate and differ from each other and, then, how, when it is impossible to solve the conflict between the individual and the consumer society, the liberal mindset transports the liberal economic theory to the neoliberal doctrine. It is in this context that not only the professional education reform undertaken in the 1990's, but the qualification and job concept movement to the competency and employability spheres become more compact. Finally, the text seeks to analyze professional education reform specificities in countries such as Brazil, where capitalism is dependent and development unequal and concerted. Such specificity keeps liberal and neoliberal thought from overcoming the dualistic view and leads to the establishment of clichés such as the current lack of qualified professionals to deal appropriately with the market demands. On the contrary, the text seeks to analyze the apparent contradiction between the lack of qualified labor and, meanwhile, the excess that causes the exodus of better-qualified young people to the international market.

Permanent education and basic care have been part of the Brazilian health system from the beginning. These public policies were recently updated, leading to an innovative knowledge construction movement to support their implementation and consolidation. This study, which used a quantitative approach, attempted to single-out the main descriptors that must guide the permanent basic care education processes. The method originated at the University of North Carolina and is carried out in two stages. The data shown in this article concern the first stage, which includes these phases: elaboration of a diagram with all components to be assessed; analysis by a group of specialists, indicating what must be preserved, removed or included; evaluation by judges, based on the 1-to-5 Likert scale; verification of the agreement among the judges. The diagram was decomposed in four dimensions, seeking to answer these questions: for whom? audiences or target population; what? content modules and learning experiences; for what? competencies to be developed; and how? approach to be prioritized. The results showed the validity of the descriptors that were proposed and evaluated, a material that may contribute to decision-making regarding permanent basic care education.

The purpose of this article was to encourage the debate on the policies and programs that have been being offered to workers since the enactment of decree 2.208/97, justified by the discourse of inclusion, as a strategy to face the structural unemployment that characterizes the flexible accumulation system. Given the expressive production that already exists on the perverse impacts of the above-mentioned decree, an option was made to present, in synthesis, the results of the survey we have been undertaking in the past few years seeking to understand the categories that govern these policies and offers in this accumulation system. To do so, the article is divided into two parts; the first analyzes the categories that configure professional education in flexible accumulation emphasizing the flexible arrangements of differentiated competencies, to which general education and new scientific ant tacit knowledge combinations make decisive contributions as a result of competency intellectualization. The second part, meanwhile, analyzes the professional education policies that pinpoint the State's action in the flexible accumulation system: the increasing privatization movement underpinned by specific legislation, fragmentation, and the loss of quality in the paths that lead to qualification.