Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Un debat recurrent a Scripta Nova té relació amb l'orientació crítica que s'espera dels articles que la revista publica. Certament, no és fàcil definir com hauria de ser un article "amb orientació crítica". Igualment, no sempre tenim present fins a quin punt el component crític afegeix una aportació específica i substantiva al conjunt de la ciència social o si, al final, el que és realment important és realitzar i divulgar investigacilns ben fetes.

The transformations in the global processes were and are accompanied by different social struggles that have as a basic principle the search for reversing or facing the hegemonic logic, which started to occur in a different way from 2010. To do so, we investigated the youth political territorialities, starting from the understanding that in the newest social movements there is an intersection and articulation between the mobilizations that take place in online and physical spaces. It is also discussed about young people, Generation # and Blockchain, as well as fieldwork in the feminist movement in Barcelona and Brazil, through online questionnaires and interviews in Brazil in 2019. We could infer that the political territoriality of young people is on the side movement lived and active of power/counterpower, capturing the hidden in the relations between society, space, power and individuals, in their individualities and / or collectivities. Their political territorialities are in belonging, existing and resisting!

The State of Paraná is not outside the circle of violent exploitation that represents contemporary slave labor. Between 2005 and 2017, 1,174 workers were rescued, according to the SIT Radar of the Labor Inspection Secretary. Of these, 339 were in urban activities and 835 in activities related to the rural (RADAR SIT, 2019. In this sense, the purpose of this article is to point out ways of understanding contemporary slavery in the Center-South region of Paraná from the theory of coloniality. One of the results of the text is to show how racism, implanted in Latin America by colonialism, is an important power structure to understand the reasons for existing, in the 21st century, the forms of exploitation of labor characteristic of slavery. Therefore, we conclude that analyzes on this issue, which do not take these aspects into account, can only partially understand the problem of contemporary slavery.

This paper aims to reflect on the image of Spain in The Geographical Magazine, edited in the United Kingdom by the Royal Geographical Society. The period of study of this image runs from 1935 to 1959. Thus, it covers the Michael Huxley’s editorial directorship, who was also the founder of the magazine, and it coincides with two significant moments for contemporary history in Spain, such as the Civil War (1936-1939) and the early Francoism (1939-1959). The interest of this study lies in highlighting both the conception of geography developed by Huxley and the main keys to the image of Spain offered in the British magazine headed by him.

The performance of indigenous women as leaders of their peoples is growing in Brazil. In view of the dismantling of the environmental and indigenous policy, by the current government, and the extractive threat on indigenous territories, the right to territory is the main banner of struggle for these women, and the central motivation for their growing presence in spaces built by the indigenous movement. The notion of Body-territory is increasingly vocalized and gains new meanings among indigenous women in Brazil, who use it as a symbol for the inseparable relationship between people and territory. The present work seeks to affirm this as a cosmopolitical category, which illuminates capitalist contradictions, and is employed as resistance to the exception-dispossession process that produces naked life as a dehumanization necessary for the advance of accumulation.

In recent years, the neoliberal policies related to higher education have conditioned universities to be mercantilist spaces, making difference invisible. This article analyses a university teaching project carried out in social education studies at a Spanish university. The project aimed to generate learning situations so that future social educators could critically reflect on how power relations are produced and maintained in urban space. For this, the students used the counter-mapping technique, which aims to make power relations and inequalities visible, in order to critically reflect on the experiences and practices in those spaces. The article investigates data in the form of cartographies and student narratives, showing the benefits of moving education outside the classroom and interacting with space and its ways of life to specify training practices consistent with current social realities.

The right to the city has become such a broad framework that it has lost part of its meaning and transforming power. In order to approach an experience that can connect with Lefebvre's original concept and vindicate its validity, we will take Squatting Social Centers as a reference. These Centers are a proof of the importance of spatializing the right to the city, with infrastructures that maintain combative traditions and continue a variety of struggles. Specifically, and to better understand the scope of this theoretical approach, this paper studies two Squatting Social Centers in the city of Barcelona: La Vaina and Can Masdeu. The main results are synthesized in the final  conclusions: that the dispute over the urban involves appealing to the specific dimensions of rights and that the Squat Social Centers, as spaces of and for the encounter, play that role.

Els desplaçaments humans a les costes de la Unió Europea (UE) s'han convertit en un problema. La metodologia es basa en l'anàlisi de documents oficials de les polítiques migratòries de retorn i de concessió d'asil. Aquests documents involucren un discurs que diferencia les persones provinents principalment de la guerra de Síria i nord d'Àfrica, d’altres desplaçats de llurs països d'origen per causes econòmiques. Per Síria, el discurs imperant revela un moviment d’inclusió i acollida dins del marc jurídic en concedir-los l’estatus de refugiats; pels altres immigrants, existent una tendència d'exclusió que planteja la deportació a llurs països d'origen. Els resultats indiquen la violació dels drets humans dins de l'Acord UE-Turquia (2016), una política migratòria que infringeix les normatives i principis de justícia, igualtat i equitat, provocant nivells d’exclusió de les persones desplaçades.

Gran part de la literatura existent sobre l'externalització de les fronteres externes de la Unió Europea pressuposa la UE com a actor exclusiu. Aquella posició invisibilitza les formes en què països receptors han externalitzat les seves fronteres pel seu propi compte, sobretot en  el moment crucial de la descolonització. Després de recórrer la literatura actual sobre l'externalització de les fronteres de la UE, analitzem com els moviments independentistes de Cap Verd dels anys 1960 i 1970 van intentar articular una orientació no-nacional feia la sobirania per mitjà de lluites internacionals intenses al llarg de l'imperi portuguès i el món socialista. L'article suggereix que el llegat anticolonial i globalment diàspor de Cap Verd continua generant una aura postcolonial que planeja pesadament sobre els esforços administratius actuals de la UE a governar la seva frontera externa en i al voltant de les illes. Es proposa que el gènere més apropiat per a captar el futur fronterer de les illes de Cap Verd és el de la ciència-ficció utòpica.

A partir del descontentament amb els estudis fronterers per la seva incapacitat de definir la frontera neerlandesa/alemanya i les fronteres EEUU/Mèxic més enllà de la separació ontològica entre les anomenades fronteres "espectaculars"/violentes (usualment la frontera Mèxic/EEUU o les fronteres exteriors de la UE) i les fronteres "avorrides" (sovint les fronteres internes de la UE, com la neerlandesa/alemanya), ens preguntem: ¿Què connecta les fronteres entre Mècix/EEUU (Tijuana/San Diego) i les holandeses/alemanyes (Nijmegen/Kranenburg/Kleve)? Ens basem en la noció de Bustamene sobre la quotidianitat i l'Alteritat a les zones frontereres per cartografiar tres dimensions de les assimetries de poder que produeixen aquestes zones frontereres relacionalment. Es tracta de les assimetries de les immobilitats, les in/visibilitzacions de la infraestructura fronterera en la vida quotidiana i l'us de la proximitat ala frontera per millorar la vida. Basant-nos en això, sostenim que la sintonia amb les formes en que les assimetries de poder de la frontera juguen de manera diferencial en la producció d'un sentit relacional del lloc de les terres frontereres, obre un camí per a portar espais fronterers aparentment dispars en les relacions d'esdevenir Altre.