Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

La misión del periodismo en la construcción de una sociedad democrática depende del cumplimiento de condiciones favorables para su ejercicio tanto en el terreno laboral, como en el profesional y particularmente en el sociopolítico. Si bien históricamente el periodismo mexicano ha enfrentado condiciones adversas de instrumentalización política, cooptación, censura y libertad de expresión restringida, son innumerables los episodios en los que diversos medios y periodistas han desvelado la injusticia, la ineficiencia o la corrupción, llamado a cuentas a los poderosos, documentado la violación sistemática de los derechos humanos, o acompañado a las víctimas de diversas formas de violencia. Al tiempo, desde otros lugares del debate, se han cuestionado las relaciones de complicidad y connivencia con el poder, los estándares éticos, las afiliaciones políticas, los estándares profesionales y el compromiso social de muchos otros periodistas y medios.

The purpose of this study is to analyze medical doctors’ work-life experiences and emotional management while practicing on the U.S.-Mexico. They have varying experiences and there is a constant shift of doctors attempting to manage work and personal lives; they must learn how to cope with the emotions that derive from their profession and the added pressures of practicing medicine with precaution due to the ongoing drug war in Nuevo Laredo, Mexico. Additionally, doctors on the border treat patients from both Mexico and the U.S. There are significant pressures and tensions involved in practicing medicine, and this is even more relevant when working on the border region. This is why this study is relevant and important.Through qualitative methodology, I acquired the experiences of Mexican doctors on the Laredo-Nuevo Laredo border. Through a thematic analysis of in-depth interviews, doctors described the difficulties they encountered when dealing with emotions at work, which gave deeper meaning to their statements.Kidnappings, muggings, and extortions put significant constraints on doctors’ occupational lives. Doctors modify their work practices, workschedules, and other daily routines, which intersect with their work and personal lives...

The border strip between the south of the United States and the north of Mexico provide an excellent opportunity to study the effects of the flow of media productions from the United States to Mexico. Many communication theories have attempted to explain the reception of transnational media flows to Latin American countries. Scholars from the cultural imperialism camp argue that the flow of culture is unidirectional from capitalist or First World countries (mainly the United States) to developing countries (also know as the Global South); other theories claim there is an asymmetrical dependence between developed and underdeveloped countries (Fejes, 1981). However, recent arguments claim audiences tend to prefer content closely related to their own cultural values (Straubhaar, 1991).Audience research has concluded there is no evidence to support the loss of cultural identity in some Latin American countries and regions according to their media preference (Straubhaar, 1991 Lozano, 1992). Nonetheless, those studies have also found that regardless of the geographical or cultural proximity to the United States or Europe, upper and middle class audiences tend to prefer to a certain degree US media content or international programming over domestic programming.

After seventy years of an almost complete hegemony, in 2000 the Institutional Revolutionary Party lost the presidency of the Republic to the oppositional National Action Party. That moment was considered the hallmark of the political transition that started in certain regions two decades ago.  According to a group of American scholars, the transformation of the political system involved the modernisation of the media system as well, as the Mexican press as a whole was moving towards its professionalization. Nonetheless, diverse case studies focused on specific regions have found empirical evidence that prove otherwise: that local and regional journalism is still determined by the customs of the authoritarian model. Based upon a content analysis of the coverage of the 2015 parliamentary elections in both national and state newspapers, we found that although national media showed a more professional performance than those located in other regions, both groups shared a similar political bias and a limited coverage of those elections. Therefore, the main conclusion is that instead of a general transformation or stagnation, Mexican press develops an asynchronous modernisation process in which there are simultaneously liberal and authoritarian features.

t has been observed that most American TV media has taken on a format that seems to concern itself primarily with White, middle to high-income family situations. Even though the United States of America has a Latino population that reaches 17% (approximately 55 million Latinos—with Mexican Americans making up 63% of that number) and growing (Krogstad 2016), we still see a tremendous lack of Latino characters in American television. This leaves millions of Americans with no substantial representations that they can relate to, or form an identity off of. Instead, Latinos are forced into believing they are not important enough to merit TV roles and perhaps not really be American at all. This research was a content analysis of 79 scripted shows that aired through 2011-2015 to determine how often Latinos came out and how they were portrayed. Results showed that they appeared an average of six minutes on screen and they were generally depicted as criminals. Additionally, four focus group interviews were conducted,and participants also responded that shows tend to stereotype minorities while they showed White characters as authority figures. Both content analysis and focus group interviews found that Latinos lack strong representation in American television.

This essay argues that the practice of reading others’ discussions, comments, posts or tweets - which I call online listening - is meaningful for the listener as a standalone activity, and as part of the interaction between speakers and listeners. Thus, Internet and social media’s democratic value is not limited to the opportunity for self and collective expression, but also derives from the possibilities they provide for online listening, both for our communication with political elites, and in our mutual interactions as members of society. Political communication would benefit from doing research using this concept to have a better discernment of how digital communication processes have altered how humans acquire information, consolidate their opinions, can be exposed to other perspectives, and can enhance their tolerance toward others. 

Editorial websites that are currently funded by advertising are under threat from ad-blockers, which may force thousands of media outlets to switch to a business model based on the sale of content. This paper describes how Peter van Westendorp’s Price Sensitivity Meter has been incorporated into an instrument to determine the number of potential customers available in a given demographic. The results make it possible to establish the viability of a project and the income ceiling for each target demographic:essential parameters in a marketing plan for any media outlet that adopts this sales model.

Con el propósito dedesarrollar, implementar y evaluar políticas públicas que protejan y promuevan la diversidad cultural dentro de la industria audiovisual, este libro recopila los esfuerzos que permitieronla creación de la Convención sobre la Protección y Promoción de la Diversidad de Expresiones Culturales dentro de la UNESCO y los frutos que su ejecuciónha generado. Diversidad e Industria Audiovisual. El Desafío Cultural del Siglo XXItransitade unacrítica alimperialismo cultural hacia elcampo de la acción,aldocumentar iniciativas que tienen como objetivo resguardary difundirel multiculturalismo en la industria audiovisual.

En este libro, la investigadora Ana Rosas hace una radiografía de la ciudad de México, de cómo se fueron desarrollando sus espacios cinematográficos en medio del resto de la oferta cultural, de cómo los públicos, en distintos tiempos y con diversas historias de vida, tenían sus modos de ver, sus reacciones ante las pautas que proponían las ofertas de cine y los pactos de consumo que se generaban. Su visión sobre los públicos, en su perspectiva antropológica, nos muestra que ir al cine es más que ver una película; se trata de una práctica de acceso cultural a través de la cual nos relacionamos con un filme, pero también con otras personas y con el espacio que contextualiza la experiencia cinematográfica.   

This paper presents research results on Legislative Television in Mexico. The particular cases of the Canal de Congresoand Ciudad TV, Canal of the Assembly of the City of Mexico are studied, considering its importance for the consolidation of democracy as a connection between the State and society in the exercise of representativeness, scrutiny and public deliberation. The general objective of this work was to analyze the formation of the nascent category of Legislative Television in the process of democratization in Mexico through empirical research based on in-depth interviews and documentary research. The data indicate that both in the Congress Channel and in the Legislative Assembly of Mexico City there are weaknesses in terms of management autonomy, budget and infrastructure, although the former is more solid in its constitution. This shows a process of more mature legal and technological legal structuring; Meanwhile, the Assembly Channel operates with infrastructure deficiencies and a programming model based on infotainment. Additionally, the research identified an important expansion of public television signals in Mexico City with the arrival of DTT.