Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

La construcción de la historia moderna depende en parte de los valores y de las herramientas políticas que la personas tienen a su alcance como individuos: la democracia y los derechos humanos. Utilizando la paz como punto inicial y moviéndose a través de la evolución más reciente, este artículo explora conexiones entre la democracia, los derechos humanos y la paz, describiendo las distintas herramientas disponibles en sus respectivas y mutuas evoluciones. El lugar que la paz puede ocupar en las constituciones se explora en este artículo, junto a la posibilidad y la ventaja que tiene concebir dicha paz como un derecho humano. En tanto que «el progreso está en camino», el artículo muestra las avenidas transitables y los diferentes caminos disponibles para participar en esta evolución.

This work deals with two additional facets of the French poet Stéphane Mallarmé. First, his poetic is studied, with the thwarted objective of achieving the Pure Form and the presence of Nothingness and Silence, as well as the role of the objects in the writing process. The second part deals with the review La Dernière Mode, founded and directed by Mallarmé between 1874 and 1875, and then focuses on the art criticism written by Mallarmé, especially in its approach to Edouard Manet and the Impressionist painters.

En este artículo defiendo que existe una «teleogología política» en Aristóteles que está estrechamente relacionada con su teleología natural. A través de la teleología natural el filósofo justifica un orden político de dominación y subyugacion, en el que la mayor parte de la población queda excluida de la ciudadanía debido a la falta de virtud. Las vidas de los trabajadores manuals, ya sean mujeres, esclavos o miembros masculinos de la población libres, carecen de validez de acuerdo a los criterios más elevados que Aristóteles considera necesarios para la ciudadanía. El objetivo de la población trabajadora es servir a formas más elevadas de existencia, a la vida de la clase dirigente.

This paper presents the key points of the analysis of three Latin American digital media: La Silla Vacía, Animal Político and Agência Pública, completed in 2015. The formats, contents and narratives were explored to characterize them as independent digital media, and observe how they transformed the practice of journalism in the region. The analysis allows to establish that there is at least one path (or a projection) for future journalism with “democratic” access conditions on the material scope, and “segmented” access conditions in the discourse. It is in addition, a path towards the multispecialization of contents and audiences that impact on the political and intellectual culture configuration. All this intersected by their relationship with the power to form public opinion and to monitor the transparency of democracy, as they themselves recognize it, it is a quality that weakens their “neutral” position. Finally, it is necessary to insist on the need to think about the directions to which the office is directed or should be directed to guarantee its action as a social service, considering media’s responsibility as “the fourth power”.

Mastering digital technologies has become a necessary skill in the academic, workplace and social spheres. Being disconnected —not using technological communication devices or not having control over them— leads to situations of inequality of opportunities and social invisibility. The following text includes the theoretical framework formulated by Bourdieu and from there, it proposes the category of ICT Capital as an advance towards understanding issues related to digital access and its transforming social relationship. The most significant findings show how current individuals subordinate their cultural capital, forms of interaction, languages, consumption of cultural goods, symbolic and statutory legitimacy to the technological experience of the digital world.

Social media platforms have changed the way people stayinformed, communicate with others, and share ideas. These interactive social platforms are used for many purposes from being in contact with family and friends to promote products and services. However, little is known about the use and importance of social media for health prevention, especially for communication among Hispanic communities.The purpose of this paper is to analyze how social media platforms, especially Twitter, are used for health prevention and communication in Hispanic communities. In doing so, a quantitative content analysis was performed on 3000 tweets with the hashtag #prevención (prevention). Results indicate that most of the prevention messages shared among organizations and users on Twitter were informational messages and very few users promoted interactive communication and mobilization. Mass media and governmental institutions posted more messages to encourage health prevention, especially about publichealth and healthy cities. This study stresses the many social media platforms’ potentialities and functionalities, especially Twitter, that contribute to health prevention and communication. Findings are useful for organizations and users when planning prevention content or campaigns through these platforms.

One can easily find discrediting accusations between users with different political affiliations or ideological orientations on social media. The objective of this article is to affirm that these practices are neither superfluous nor secondary, but rather fundamental in the formation and consolidation of political identities of those who participate in these discussions. This article reviews up-to-date academic literature about three recent trends in the dynamics of political discussion on social media (the polarization of the political debate, the focus on personalities and figures, and the trolls’ practices) and, using tools taken from Netnography, it explores and applies these concepts to the Peruvian context. Consequently, the article offers an outline about the daily political dynamics on social media, how users take sides and disputes happen, and how this serves to the (re)production of political identities. The results of this investigation show a scenario where two characteristics prevail: the polarization between different political stances and the uncertainty about the information and identities in circulation.

The research proposes to analyze the narrative logics aroundthe peace theme used by the government and the opposition between 2002 and 2016, identifying actants, narrative schemes and discursive strategies. It is a matter of looking at the history that has given or has undermined legitimacy to the peace in Colombia, and how this history has been nourished perpetuating a crisis. Therefore, the research focuses on the presidential campaigns between 2002 and 2014 and in the campaign for the 2016 peace plebiscite, from the perspective of several narrators: politicians, propaganda and television.

The following article analyzes the use of storytelling and biographical stories as elements of communication by presidential governments in Peru. It emphasizes Pedro Pablo Kuczynski administration. It briefly refers to the storytelling techniques used during the campaign that led to his election and then focuses mainly on the storytelling process during his current administration. The different strategies used are discussed in detail, analyzing whether they represent a successful formula to communicate with citizens and maintain a good government image. Finally, the article addresses external political factors that could radically change the population’s perception.

This article is an approximation to the analysis of the transit from electoral communication to government communication, a period that is usually addressed as two differentiated dimensions, but which can be enhanced to contribute to the governments’ legitimacy and their relationship with citizens (information activists). After measuring university students and professionals’ electoral preferences in Lima, we conclude that the articulation of electoral and government communication consists not only in recognizing the expectations of these citizens, widely expressed during political campaigns, but also in consolidating dialogue channels during the government administration.