Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This article replies to the comments and criticisms made by Rocio Lorca, Matías Parmigiani, Juan Pablo Mañalich, Juan Ormeño y Flavia Carbonell to the book Adscripción y reacción. Responsabilidad jurídica y moral desde una perspectiva interpersonal. In the text, explorations are made to clarify the use of terms such as role, expectation, and obligation in the book, as well as the structure of how accountability is configured. Possible consequences of the theses advanced in the book regarding the differences between legal and moral responsibility, as well as the characterization of judgments about the attribution of responsibility, are also addressed. Finally, various aspects of the distinction between the imputation of responsibility and the imputation of actions are discussed.

After depicting what Figueroa characterizes as a «interpersonal conception of responsibility», some implications of the distinction between two senses in which the word «expectation» is used are examined, which I take as not sufficiently noticed in his work. This leads, in turn, to a clarification of what may be identified as the possible object of an ascription of responsibility, the determination of which seems insensitive to whether the very notion of responsibility is understood in accordance with such an interpersonal conception. The comment closes with an analysis of the relation that apparently holds between what Figueroa presents as the thesis of the «primacy of liability», on the one hand, and his resort to the concept of «elemental recognition», on the other.

In order to locate Basque foralism in a comparative setting, this essay proposes the consideration of a couple of cases: the singular case of historical foralism in the heart of present-day Mexico, namely in Tlaxcala, and the less peculiar case of community customary law within South Africa. The former mainly shows us that foralism can dilute in federalism. The second brings us face to face with the most important issue, not of mere legal tradition, but of the historical title to own law implying community self-rule. It is under the light of the prospects thus opened up and in the face of prevailing neglect that the case of Basque foralism in constitutional times is here addressed.

One of the most common procedures in Mexico for the co-optation of the media by the single-party regime that governed for 70 years was indirect bias, that is, the local media, and not just the national ones, favored the candidate for the presidency of the Republic of that party, encouraged by patronage relationships established with local governments. With the democratic transition, the newsrooms opted for at least three press models: civic, commercial, and inertial authoritarian. The latter would only involve a change of sponsor, patronage would be exercised by local governments in favor of the presidential candidate from his political party. In order to verify whether such relations of clientelism and indirect bias persist, covered by the inertial authoritarianism that is present in a good part of the subnational press, we carried out a content analysis of visibility and treatment bias (N=1,699) in 22 local newspapers of six states of the Republic, in the context of the 2018 presidential elections. The results demonstrate the absence of bias of both types and support the hypothesis of a democratization and decentralization of the local press, at least in strong expressions of bias such as the explored ones.

Digital platforms provide feminist groups with the opportunity to propose agendas that aim to make visible the disputes over women's sexual and reproductive rights, sexism, misogyny, and gender-based violence. Although some of their struggles receive significant support online, others, such as the decriminalization of abortion, produce reactions from opposing sectors, generating a dynamic of confrontation in the virtual space. Twitter is the main network where the different social groups fight for the redefinition of social processes. A tool commonly used in these discursive battles is the hashtag, giving rise to the so-called hashtag activism. Using data from Twitter, we demonstrate how these groups use the hashtag for such purposes, and we examine how they activated the issue of the decriminalization of abortion in Colombia. The results suggest that, in the digital environment, the active use of the hashtag illustrates the meaning-making processes that occur when various sectors compete to discursively define social problems in the virtual space. In this way, the research contributes to the literature that suggests that social networks are a fundamental instance in the dispute over social meanings.

As an introductory framework, the study analyses how brands have increased their investment in the practice of branded entertainment in recent years by using filmic storytelling to transmit advertising messages within the framework of a narrative. The main objectives of the research are to gather a theoretical corpus on the elements of filmic storytelling and to analyze its impact on advertising storytelling applied to audiovisual branded entertainment. As a methodology of analysis, the study builds a theoretical corpus from the review of academic literature and, in a second phase, it examines the elements of filmic storytelling present in several films made by brands such as Estrella Damm, Nike and Mattel. The discussion of this research delves into the study of visual storytelling and the characteristics of content that have an influence on filmic and advertising storytelling. As main results, the work corroborates that elements of filmic storytelling, such as myth, metaphor, and verisimilitude, have an important impact on branded entertainment creations. The conclusions of the study postulate that the expressive resources of the filmic story are not altered in branded entertainment but are naturally integrated into the story to improve its message.

This work proposes that both cognitions and emotions constitute individual or personal frames, and then it analyzes their effects on information seeking on public and policy issues. Our findings indicate that the stronger the emotional intensity, the weaker the prevalence of rational considerations in these frames. We also show that such emotional intensity is aroused not necessarily by the issues at stake, as most framing approaches suggest, but by the source publicizing them. From a case in Mexico, these findings are relevant at a time when politicians are becoming direct sources of information for citizens in a public communication context where political polarization represents severe challenges to modern democracy.