Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

In recent years, popular economies have gained an important place in the Latin American political and academic scene. Despite this, the contribution of migrant economies to the constitution and consolidation of these economies has been scarcely analyzed. This paper aims to ethnographically explore the migrant composition of popular economies in and from Cordoba, Argentina. This research identifies the multiple ways in which migrant economies have collaborated to shape this sector over the last years. It argues that migrant economies can be thought of as one of the “agencies” that nourish popular economy as a political project of the working classes of contemporary Argentina. Regarding the methodological approach, the paper is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out between 2011 and 2020 regarding the political activities of Peruvian women in three peripheral neighborhoods of the city of Córdoba, Argentina.

Among the existing literature on the understanding of electoral behaviour, a new work has appeared: Inside the Mind of a Voter. A New Approach to Electoral Psychology, authored by Michael Bruter and Sarah Harrison, two researchers from the London School of Economics and Political Science (lse) and founders of the Electoral Psychology Observatory (epo). The monograph is structured in 10 chapters and studies all key aspects related to the research of electoral behaviour from the perspective of electoral psychology.

This article analyzes the classical models of citizenship and recent proposals concerning the inclusion of some social minorities, aiming to show the enduring contradiction between nationally defined citizenship and human mobility. It also discusses some recent developments regarding the human rights of international migrants and refugees, and the political rights of residents. Finally, our analysis highlights the need to design and implement more inclusive models that guarantee the full rights of people who, for various causes and reasons, live in places different from those they were born in. These proposals necessarily question the foundations of the nation-state.

This article suggests how to investigate the political processes in which indigenous actors participate; specifically, it presents a conceptual framework, a methodology and three research methods. First, it uses “power”, the “political process” and “public policy” as the bases of a conceptual framework to study the relationship of indigenous peoples with contemporary government systems. Second, it proposes a qualitative study of political processes, particularly when there are indigenous actors. Third, it suggests procedures, tools and techniques for collecting and analyzing data: the methods of ethnography, grounded theory (mtf) and case studies. Additionally, it reviews some problems regarding access to information and addresses the issues of data generation, management and analysis. Given that in qualitative research the collected information has different origins and formats, the article discusses the relevance of the triangulation technique to validate, consolidate and corroborate the data. Lastly, it examines three qualitative analysis strategies: categorization, connection and notes. In sum, it aims to present ways of researching indigenous actors in political science.

This paper aims to analyze the 2019 Cuban Constitution in the context of new Latin American constitutionalism in order to offer, from a comparative perspective, some elements that contribute to a reflection on Cuban politics and society and its possible impact on the relationship between these two spheres. This analysis compares the Cuban Constitution with 8 others through 4 items: 1) constitutional process; 2) definition of the state, principles and values; 3) rights and guarantees, and 4) mechanisms for direct democracy and citizen participation. The results reveal similarities and differences compared to those of new Latin American constitutionalism, which serve as the basis for assessing the continuities, ruptures, successes and limitations of Cuba’s new Constitution.

Within the neoliberal model of development, Chile and Colombia allowed the private commercial exploitation of previously public goods and services through privatizations and/or concessions. In this context, the institutional framework, supply, and management of road infrastructure were modified, fostering road concessions in both countries. Through Comparative-Historical Analysis, the historical trajectory of the institutionality of road concessions in Chile and Colombia is reconstructed as path dependence cases in order to identify the influence of some Supranational Organizations, comparing both cases to indicate their differences. A greater number of operations and amounts are observed in Colombia, as well as tutelage programs. This allows us to point out that despite sharing characteristics, such as the development of dedicated institutions and multilateral financing, among others, the path dependence of the cases differ due to the greater intensity of the influence of Supranational Organizations there. The foregoing is presented as an alternative approach to the study of public policies and as a contribution to the sectoral discussion.

In this article we approach the concept of border-horizon, which postulates that the frontiers of globalization must be conceived as challenges and as limits that affect Humanity as a whole. Its main objective is to generate reflexive knowledge, of theoretical character, that serves as instrument of intervention on the social reality to try to improve it. The methodology used is qualitative and combines the “emic” and “etic” perspectives, forming a “glocal perspective”. We use information from both primary and secondary sources, including the personal experience of the researcher. The results point to the fact that the root causes of the current “situation” are intangible in nature and are ultimately linked to ethical and educational issues. Among the main conclusions we highlight the need to form a new global collective consciousness, far from the postulates of ordoliberalism, integrating differences and oriented to the common good.

This article examines one of the central approaches in Norbert Lechner’s theory, who was one of the most emblematic intellectuals in Latin America’s studies of political subjectivity. Based on the diagnosis of a State crisis due to its functioning as an instrument of domination, the author conceives it as form and historical reason. That is, as an imaginary referent that mediates the social relations between everyday praxis and institutionality. For him, it is in the microphysical spaces where the hegemonic struggle, which must be represented by a general interest, unfolds. Without this mediation and ethical content, the State becomes a simple reproductive device of capitalist relations. Therefore, we propose that the search for a historical perspective within the conceptualization of the State constitutes one of the bases that support Norbert Lechner’s theory of political subjectivity.

Introducción: El trasplante renal es uno de los métodos de sustitución de la función renal y tiene como factor de mayor influencia en su supervivencia, la compatibilidad inmunológica.Objetivo: Definir la supervivencia del trasplante y su relación con el grado de compatibilidad.Material y Métodos: Estudio retrospectivo, del tiempo de supervivencia con base hospitalaria, de los 827 pacientes trasplantados entre los nueve centros del país, en el quinquenio 2015-2019. Para estimar las curvas de supervivencias se empleó el Método de Kaplan Meier, por el SPSS 22.0.Resultados: Supervivencia del injerto al año 72,9 % y paciente 89,0 %, con media de sobrevida de los injertos de 3,6 años y del paciente de 4,6. Para los pacientes con dos y más compatibilidad, la supervivencia del injerto al año fue mayor, 77,0 % v/s 69,2 % y menos, para el resto. Posterior al año, también son diferentes las supervivencias por grado de compatibilidad. El rechazo agudo inmunológico, que es una de las principales causas de pérdidas de injertos, tiene mucho mayor incidencia en los trasplantados sin compatibilidad que en los compatibles (17,4 % v/s 9,9 %). Para las causas de muerte de los pacientes, la infección fue la predominante, y muy significativo para los que no comparten compatibilidad v/s los que sí (56,9 % v/s 31,9 %).Conclusiones: La compatibilidad inmunológica entre donante y receptor, propicia diferencia en las supervivencias de injertos y pacientes, siendo mejor mientras más compatibles sean el donante y el receptor.