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546,196 artículos
Año:
2022
ISSN:
2709-8826, 2221-7002
Parra Ruíz, José María; Gámez Frias, Emilia
Universidad Nacional Autónoma De Honduras
Resumen
During 2020, the federal government promoted a policy of containment of economic activity, with the purpose of containing the spread of COVID-19 in the Mexican Republic. This measure of economic containment caused levels of unemployment rarely seen. During the months of March to July 2020 (period of greatest economic mitigation), in a national scale 1 million 117 thousand 584 unemployed women and men were registered in the formal labor market, who had a “permanent” or temporary employment contract. registered with the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS). In this national environment, the objective of this work is to analyze the formal employment losses registered in Mexico, during the period from March to July 2020, highlighting the total number of unemployment generated by type of employment contract and by sex. To achieve this purpose, in methodological terms, the statistical information provided monthly by the IMSS was processed and analyzed based on the socio-demographic conception of job instability (defined as the lack of continuity in work relationships or suppression of the employment contract). According to the analysis of said information, among the main results, it is observed that job losses are different on a national scale, by type of employment contract, as well as by period and intra-period and, according to sex. Greater labor instability is observed as a result of the massive dismissal of workers who mainly had permanent contracts and to a lesser extent temporary contracts, mainly affecting men.
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Año:
2022
ISSN:
2709-8826, 2221-7002
Cálix Lanza, Wendy María
Universidad Nacional Autónoma De Honduras
Resumen
The field of literary research in our country there are certain approaches to travel books, it is of great interest to expand this line of work in order to increase knowledge about publications, authors, literary styles and linkage with the historical context. In this sense, Frank Vincent’s In and out of Central America and other sketches and studies of travel (1890) and Harry Franck’s Mexico and Central America A geographical reader (1927), offer a multitude of descriptions and narrations of his travels in Central America. Vincent and Franck were struck by the city of Tegucigalpa. This is one of the centers of the confluence of colonial history with the vicissitudes of a growing city by the end of the 19th century and throughout the 20th century, and of course it is still building its own legacy. The objective of this study is to highlight the main urban, social and cultural landscape features presented in these two traveling books in order to offer a physical and visual portrait of Tegucigalpa, as an invaluable contribution, are the photographs offered by their authors. The thematic development is based on the notes of Ana María Pellitero and Luis Albuquerque García. The use of Hermeneutics made it possible to analyze the text as a whole. The results found lead us to investigate the architecture inherited from the Spanish colony, the urban spaces that are part of the public and private life of the inhabitants of the city, added to the social and political outlines as part of the cultural landscape.
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Año:
2022
ISSN:
2709-8826, 2221-7002
González Galbán, Humberto
Universidad Nacional Autónoma De Honduras
Resumen
People experience biological, psychological, and social changes in a relatively short period of time in their lives called adolescence. Among the most significant events that can occur at this stage of life is pregnancy, which is considered by the world organizations as a health problem with various psychological, economic, social, and cultural implications. Another frequent problem with serious con1sequences is sexually transmitted infections, all of which conditions the risk of early mortality or permanent disea2ses of great importance. In the present work, we will basically try to answer the question about the motivations and implications of adolescent pregnancy with the aim of reaching a wider knowledge about the mentioned problem, to increase the possibilities of improving the health and the well-being of the important segment of the population that constitutes adolescents.
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Año:
2022
ISSN:
2709-8826, 2221-7002
Cavagnoud, Robin; Baillet, Julie; Zavala de Cosío, María Eugenia
Universidad Nacional Autónoma De Honduras
Resumen
This article starts by briefly recalling the essential features of the biographical approach, the associated paradigm of the life course, and the origins of the Ageven form, a tool developed in the 1980s as part of the retrospective studies and demographic analysis of biographies. Next, we present a new version of this tool for its use in qualitative analysis, involving the individual, family, and contextual levels of observation, and including the identification of sequences in the life stories, based on the biographical turning points. In this way, the Ageven form can be converted into a tool for simultaneously representing and analyzing a wide range of qualitative biographical data. It is illustrated with the example of adolescent maternity in Mexico.
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Año:
2022
ISSN:
0718-6568, 0717-6554
Márquez Olvera, Sandra; Ávila Guerrero, Ma. Elena
Universidad de los Lagos
Resumen
In Mexico, around 100,000 cases of missing persons have been registered. In this research, a conceptual approach to psychosocial accompaniment is carried out, managing to establish a paradigm which has served as the basis for such intervention. In the absence of accurate investigations, the growing impunity of the perpetrators, and the lack of transparency in the investigative processes, a social organization has had to be woven, where the groups of victims are the main support networks, and not the ones provided by the Mexico’s criminal-justice institutions. Given this scenario, a psychosocial accompaniment is proposed, with a restorative approach, capable of expanding the range of possibilities to indirect victims by giving them an active role in their own recovery process, encouraging the active participation of the community, and so, activating the process of restoring peace, in Mexico.
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Año:
2022
ISSN:
0718-6568, 0717-6554
Santacruz Montealegre, Christian Vaslaf
Universidad de los Lagos
Resumen
Social policy aims to generate homogeneous situations in the most vulnerable social sectors, whose purpose is to reduce the gap of social inequality established by the neoliberal system, and so, ensure the access to the minimum requirements for living in dignity. Thus, the State has assigned its scarce resources to achieve universal access to basic rights for the most vulnerable social classes. This descriptive-quantitative research has been inspired by the impact of the implementation of these policies to strengthen both, the General Health Law and the Universal Basic Income in order to reduce inequality, in Mexico. The evidence presented on this article show that it has been possible to lower some of such indicators of poverty through these social policies, yet, despite efforts, poverty has continued to increase due to the rise of other indicators, such as job instability, and the scarcity of basic services. In conclusion, these are the pending points the Mexican state must resolve in order to ensure the universality of basic human rights.
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Año:
2022
ISSN:
1699-3950
Barbas, Juan Martín; Chaves, Dulce Daniela; Lucero, Mariel Renée
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
Resumen
Since 2014 Sweden has had a Feminist Foreign Policy (PEF in Spanish). This concept has been widely used in academic and political circles, without enough progress in its proper definition and delimitation. Scarce theoretical formulations, almost all of them coming from American and/or European academics, fail to provide the improvement of the concept and are limited to a series of minimal characteristics, which are influenced by a liberal and ethnocentric reading of feminism. It allows the notion of PEF to be used to refer to many diverse situations, and to establish, at least symbolically, a sign of equality between cases that have little elements in common; for instance, the foreign policies of Sweden, Canada, and Mexico. This situation is not insignificant, since, on the one hand, it reduces the importance and impact of the proposals that feminism has been developing for decades in the field of international relations theory; and on the other hand, it allows government officials and some intellectuals to appropriate and make superficial use of principles established in the intense struggles that women and other feminized sectors have been involved in for a long time.
Faced with this panorama there is a need to conceptualize. It recovers the most transformative elements of the feminist tradition. To this end, we will problematize some theoretical definitions of PEF, and the self-denominated Feminist Foreign Policies currently in existence, showing the notable weaknesses and contradictions that cross them. We then proceed to the elaboration of a definition of PEF that incorporates elements coming from multiple feminisms (radical, decolonial black, indigenous), and that above all adopts explicitly a geographical, cultural, subalternate and counterhegemonic perspective. Likewise, we propose a gradual categorization of those foreign policies that begin to abandon androcentric and cisheteropatriarchal positioning, from the concepts of Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective (PEPG in Spanish), and Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective and Feminist Agenda (PEGAF in Spanish), and whose meanings we shall develop.
Although the concept of PEF could be used for naming a foreign policy that gives a complete and uncontradicted account of the postulates upheld by feminism, we believe that it is more appropriate to use other, less comprehensive concepts. In general terms, the PEF corresponds to a liberal and institutional feminist approach, which underestimates other social actors as legitimate interlocutors. Their strategies are based on a gender mainstreaming approach, perfected in international organizations and replicated by various state entities; as such they ignore the ethnic, cultural, religious and socioeconomic particularities of the populations in which they are applied. In them, divergences between the multiple governmental spheres are not unusual. Moreover, even within the Ministries of Foreign Affairs it is possible to identify notorious incongruities between sectors that are, or are not, crossed by the gender perspective.
Secondly, we suggest the use of the concept of Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective and Feminist Agenda. Considering that the levels are cumulative, to the previous characterization, we add the importance of substantive representation; the identification and sanctioning of the different forms of violence within and outside national borders; and the need to at least begin to question the heteropatriarchal structures of oppression from a discursive point of view, for which the field of diplomacy is fundamental. This gradually problematizes the meanings and stereotypes disseminated by institutions, understanding that the dispute over women's rights and other sex gender identities must also take place at the symbolic level.
In the Swedish case, we understand that it corresponds to what we have called PEGAF. Indeed, Sweden has done important work concerning development assistance, and the financing of international institutions related to the protection of rights and the empowerment of women. Likewise, of all the cases considered, Sweden is the one in which there is the greatest congruence between its foreign policy and its domestic policy, as well as the work that the Nordic country has been carrying out within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to consolidate a gender approach. Even from a discursive point of view, the Swedish authorities have questioned certain characteristics of the international system, and have had diplomatic disputes with some countries based on issues related to the violation of human rights. However, none of the above has been sustained over time, and the back and forth has been constant. There have been notable discrepancies in the commitment to a feminist agenda among the different ministries, and in some areas, such as defense, the transformations have been insignificant. In addition, on many occasions, Sweden has abandoned its commitment to the defense of feminist postulates, when obstacles or risks have arisen in relation to the national interest- as defined in androcentric terms. The conservative turn in immigration matters, or the government's refusal to confront the strategic sector of the arms industry, are evidence of this.
Based on the analysis carried out on the case of Canada, we consider that this country can be framed within Foreign Policies with Gender Perspectives (PEPG), since it presents domestic and international antecedents in the work on women's issues. However, the fact that it defines its foreign policy only in one area, such as development assistance, and focuses its empirical work mainly on economic issues, means that it does not achieve the necessary comprehensiveness to place it at the highest level. Likewise, Canada does not make progress in criticizing or questioning, even discursively, the hegemonic global dynamics and institutions, nor does it question its place in the international structure.
Finally, evaluating the Mexican case, we ask ourselves: How can we think of a feminist foreign policy when at the domestic level the drug cartels and human trafficking networks continue to exercise their power and violence with total impunity, and in conjunction with broad sectors of politics, justice and the police? How could the Mexican PEF make sense in a country where people continue to "disappear" or become victims of extrajudicial executions within the framework of democracy, most of the time with representatives of the security forces as the ones responsible? In which part of the gender equality plan can we frame the femicides and transfemicides that place Mexico as one of the most dangerous countries to be a woman or dissident of the heteronorma? Regrettably, we consider that the country is not even in a position to aspire to the lowest level described here –that is,the PEPG- since all its current actions (and those of the last decades) are detrimental to the values and principles that the feminist stance upholds.
The criticisms raised in the three case studies addressed has sought to identify their weaknesses and to construct more appropriate concepts that would point to the different types of external policies that are currently oriented towards women. Moreover, this would make it possible to define them with an appropriate term that is in line with their real actions and not mere rhetoric. Our work, of course, is not limited to a conceptual correction; but, above all, it tries to generate a concrete contribution for the generation of tools and the definition of public policies that have a positive impact on the life of the communities represented.
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Año:
2022
ISSN:
1699-3950
Lambiase, Simone
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
Resumen
The present article seeks to analyse some of the theoretical assumptions that gave birth to the fourth debate of International Relations (IR) between positivist and post-positivist trends. The specific focus will be put on two on the major onto-epistemological fields that are Post-Structuralism and Neo-Gramscian model via Critical Theory. In this sense, these two perspectives ? respectively represented by Michel Foucault and Antonio Gramsci ? have taken distance from dominant and empirical understanding of reality while shedding light on other features such as the construction of ideas and ideologies that gave rise to a specific and not universalized reality. To put it better, while positivists have tried to explain international reality via empirical analysis through the scientific method, these philosophers followed a different path in which one cannot assume the object in analysis as a natural object. Hence, the tradition called in question is the one that goes from Galilei and Descartes on and that both Neo-Realism and Neo-liberalism have tried to follow. Here the question is: is it possible, in a field such as IR, to live of objectivation? Is it possible, as per the scientific method, to find a response that is valid for everyone and universally reproducible by anyone? Or rather, is this really possible in the IR world where along with the phenomena live a huge variety of social elements?
Once this stated, we will move inside the post-positivist arena, focusing on the main concepts that fortified the theories of the two philosophers that are “counter-hegemony” and “agency”. In this respect, we will see how Gramscian “counter-hegemony” works in opposition to a “dominant hegemonic bloc” with the aim to show that if power wants to be opposed it is important to firstly understand where it resides. Indeed, following Gramsci’s theories and his concept of “war of position”, to fight and change a hegemonic bloc, one has to understand the assemblage of cultural beliefs and ideologies that allow his existence. To do that, in this article we will go deeply in these cultural beliefs via the post-structuralist theories of Michel Foucault who gave rise to concepts such as “networks”, “nodes” and “knowledges” that stand as key words in order to understand embedded discourses of power and in which “agency” can be found. The goal here is to go at the roots of the creation of an idea before creating alternative ones. Indeed, it will be clear how Foucault tries to understand the creation of particular actors and discourses that is once the relations that creates actors and discourses have been decoded (ergo the knowledges), the change ? or “agency” ? and the creation of alternative intelligences and alternative ideas can be made possible.
At this point, merging these two theoretical approaches will mean finding a methodology that will be able to account for aspects of the international realities. To do that, we will take two perspectives that can account for past and present such as “Discourse Theory” and “Genealogy”. The first, that has been created by Laclau and Mouffe following the Gramscian dichotomy hegemony-counter-hegemony and the second used by the same Foucault in his main writings such as Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason (1961) or The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969). The aim will be that of working both in diachrony and in synchrony, that is through “Genealogy” we will evidence the main “knowledges” that created a reality around a specific discourse of power in specific periods of time; while through “Discourse Theory” we will assess the present fight between counter-hegemonic and hegemonic blocs via the main concepts stated by Laclau and Mouffe such as “antagonism”, “empty signifiers”, “nodal points” and “hegemony”. This is based on the fact that a present fight can be led only if we understand how a discourse of power has consolidated through time. All this following Foucault’s words as guidelines:
“What I wanted to show [with the Archaeology of Knowledge] is that men do things when they speak, in the same way that they do things when they create an object. The discourse can be created, once it is created it exists, once it exists, it subsists, once it subsists, it works and once it works it transforms, it has effects” (Foucault, 1969).
In this respect, the theoretical background will be structured around a specific case study: the indigenous right regime ? as it developed in the State of Chiapas (Mexico). Here, “the Genealogy” will allow us to better understand the concept of “the indigenous” following a line in three different historical period of Mexico: a) The Spanish Colonization that goes from the discovery of the New World in 1492 to the Mexican Revolution in 1910; b) The post-Revolutionary Period where it begins a sort of institutionalization of indigenous peoples thanks to the congress in Pátzcuaro of 1940 and the foundation of the Inter-American Indigenous Institute (INI); c) The neo-liberal period that lived along with the internationalization of indigenous’ identity and that began in 1982 with the official adoption of neoliberalism as the main policy of Mexico up to the birth of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in 1994.
Hence, once “Genealogy” is stated we will jump to the contemporary period during which Mexico implemented the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with USA and Canada that revisited the article 27 of Mexican constitution for which indigenous landholdings had to be protected from sale and privatization. Here the analysis will be conducted on existing literature through a qualitative analysis of the data extrapolated via “Discourse Theory”. At this point, we will compare counter-hegemonic and hegemonic discourses of Subcomandante Marcos and President Salinas de Gortari. Hence, it will be clear how the two opponents, via the concepts of “democracy” and “modernization”, have tried to give a new meaning to the signifier “indigenous” and how the discursive fight of EZLN has tried to reach as main goal the rebuilding of the word “indigenous”, making it enter in the San Andrés Accords of 1996 as a term that had to include all those native subjects who had right to have rights.
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Año:
2022
ISSN:
2014-2862
Martínez-Sanz, Raquel
Hipatia Press
Resumen
La Universidad del siglo XXI apuesta por fomentar la empleabilidad de sus alumnos y para ello potencia el desarrollo de competencias profesionales y de habilidades sociales. A través de la innovación docente y de las metodologías activas es posible implicar al alumno y formarle en el buen hacer; responsabilidad indispensable en el ejercicio profesional de la Comunicación Organizacional, una especialidad caracterizada por tender puentes comunicativos y de confianza entre la organización y sus públicos. Este artículo presenta un doble objetivo, por un lado sistematizar las experiencias derivadas del Proyecto de Innovación Docente “Hazte donante” que, basándose en el aprendizaje colaborativo, involucra a los alumnos en la creación una campaña de concienciación transmedia para atraer a jóvenes donantes de sangre. Y por otro lado, se comprueba la evolución de los intereses de los participantes (n=80) respecto de la materia y su satisfacción con el proyecto y la metodología empleada. Para alcanzar tales objetivos se recurre a la observación participante, el diario de campo y la encuesta. El estudio demuestra las posibilidades del aprendizaje colaborativo por proyectos para afianzar contenidos, simular el ejercicio profesional y despertar vocaciones.
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