Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Cartoons have been and still are a fundamental genre in children’s television programming and are a key product for the media industry due to their easy interpretation by children and their presence in distribution channels. This paper presents an analysis of the supply of children’s and cartoons broadcast over the last decade on 25 European general-interest television channels, both public and private, of Germany, Spain, France, Italy and the United Kingdom. The research findings focus on the genre programming strategies applied in terms of channels, broadcasting time slots and types of production in a multiplatform context driven by the consumption of digital content through streaming and SVOD services. The results show the continued leadership of cartoons in an environment of scarcity of children’s supply on European generalist television channels, reaffirming itself as a morning and weekend product highly shaped by commercial logics. However, distinctive programmatic policies are prominent in the role of public broadcasters in the supply of domestic products, both due to the broadcasting quotas of local cartoons and the consistency of their strategy over the period 2010-2020.

The right to be forgotten is one of the hallmarks of privacy regulation on the Internet. The article explores the arguments advocating for a right to be forgotten specifically in cases regarding children, and examines whether minors see the need for such a right. In doing so, it addresses criticism that children’s rights studies often fail to consider the views of minors. The methodology adopted consists firstly of a literary review on children’s right to be forgotten. This work was complemented by a survey of 652 children and teenagers between the ages of 13 and 18, from all Spanish regions, which offered evidence of their views on the right to be forgotten.

Business sectors are generally evolving towards the adoption of models of sustainable practice, but is this also true in the specific audio-visual sector? This question leads us to examine whether sustainable practices are carried out in the image and sound sector, using sector business leadership as a starting point. Adopting a long-term perspective has helped companies survive difficult times, such as seemingly ever more frequent economic crises and recessions, as well as to overcome the current COVID-19 pandemic and its aftermath. Together with review of appropriate literature, the study aims to analyse the perception of managers in the audio-visual sector regarding styles of leadership in their organizations, through the Bee and Locust Sustainable Leadership framework that Avery and Bergsteiner developed in 2011. A quantitative study was carried out based on the analysis of the responses given by fifty middle and senior managers from the audio-visual sector in Spain who answered a 54-poit questionnaire. The findings yielded interesting results. Organizations within the audio-visual sector were found to display elements of both bee and locust leadership styles. The results showed that idea contribution and teamwork were valued by the managers interviewed. Furthermore, considerable importance was attached to the need to implement continuous training and the development of corresponding professional careers in companies. Overall, the results showed that there was a clear need for companies in the audio-visual sector to put greater effort into promoting and successfully achieving sustainable practices at the operational level.

The main goal of Wikipedia’s founders, Jimmy Wales and Larry Sanger, was to create a collaborative encyclopaedia driven by the users of the internet who, on a nonprofit basis, would compile and share all human wisdom and knowledge. In times of crisis, such as the coronavirus pandemic, Wikipedia has emerged as a reference point for users around the world. In this vein, Wikipedia once again highlighted its cultural role in the production of available knowledge in the face of new knowledge. Therefore, the main objective of this study is to analyse the specific entry of desinformación –disinformation in English– in the Spanish version of Wikipedia, given the importance that this concept has acquired during the coronavirus crisis and given the need to disseminate a homogeneous definition of this term. For that purpose, we have applied the content analysis method to a textual case, that is, to the disinformation entry in Wikipedia. The main results show that the basic characteristics of the Spanish entry of desinformación on Wikipedia are not the suitable ones to inform users or readers of the real meaning of this concept. Furthermore, the content of the Wikipedia disinformation entry is incomplete, disjointed and of dubious reliability. Therefore, this research advocates the creation of a homogeneous definition that permeates the common imaginary and that is the result of a combination of experts’ opinions and the definitions proposed by institutions, governments, media and organizations.

The use of mobile instant messaging platforms has increased in recent years in political communication given the private nature of this form of communication, a trend which has increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. The aim of this research is to know the Telegram usage done by the main political parties within the election campaign. For this purpose, the Catalan election of the 14th of February 2021 are studied with a quantitative content analysis on a sample composed of 600 messages published by five political parties (PSC, Vox Barcelona, ERC, Junts per Catalunya, CUP and En Comú Podem). Results show that one of the most important functions of this platforms is the information and dissemination of its electoral programme. Regarding the main topics, the organization and functioning of the campaign and the political wrangling predominate. Our findings show that the position of the different parties regarding the independence of Catalonia, their political trajectory and their position within the government/opposition axis are conditioning factors of their communication strategy on this platform. Finally, the analysis of the public impact of the published messages reveals the disconnection between the parties and the citizens. In addition, a “more is more” effect which determines that the more messages are broadcast on this platform, the greater the number of views by users is, is detected. These data reveal new evidence on how Telegram is being used in the election campaign by political actors.

The article herein presents the results of a research study focused on the evolution of reportage in the Spanish press over a span of four decades. This is the first longitudinal study covering such an extensive period (1982-2018) with regard to this narrative journalistic genre, through publications in La Vanguardia and ABC, the two oldest national newspapers in Spain. The aim of the study is to discover how the genre has evolved in recent decades, in terms of authorship, length, section in which it is published, headlines, visual and complementary elements, and the degree of hybridisation with other journalistic genres. Based on a quantitative and qualitative methodology, a sample was analysed using the constructed week sampling technique (N=346 issues). The results obtained show an increase in the amount and general length of the reports published from the year 2000 onward, as well as a tendency toward hybridisation with genres such as the crónica and the news report. However, there is no evidence of a commitment to narrative aspects. The increase in pagination has been fostered by the incorporation of visual and design elements, while the Society section continues to have the highest share of reportage pieces. Most of the reportage items analysed were by-lined by one person, who were predominantly men, which suggests a gender gap in the authorship of prestigious journalistic genres.

Information security of Ukraine and Poland with the beginning of the Russian Federation’s armed aggression against Ukraine is sensitive to various forms of information threats. Information attacks by the aggressor country accompany the challenges of the full-scale war that exploded within Eastern Europe. Active military actions on the territory of Ukraine, the migrant crisis on the border with Poland –all this tests both countries’ information environment for resilience. Journalists play an essential role in the process of information defense. In the study, we compare legal acts and governmental regulations of Ukraine and Poland in the field of information security in order to identify the current state of information security environment in both countries. In our work, we analyze the concept of “information security” in scientific studies of Ukrainian and Polish researchers, as well as in normative legal acts. Journalists and editors of leading Ukrainian and Polish media outlets were questioned about their attitudes toward existing information security doctrines and strategies. It was found that journalists of both countries (n = 46, α(ua)=0.75; α(pl)=0.78) find the tools of protection against information threats insufficient, consider the participation of journalists in the formation of information policy significant, and also consider as risky the possibility to adopt documents that would describe the social responsibility of journalists in conditions of information aggression.

Misinformation has long been a weapon that helps the political, social, and economic interests of different sectors. This became more evident with the transmission of false information in the COVID-19 pandemic, compromising citizens’ health by anti-vaccine recommendations, the denial of the coronavirus and false remedies. Online social networks are the breeding ground for falsehoods and conspiracy theories. Users can share viral misinformation or publish it on their own. This encourages a double analysis of this issue: the need to capture the deluge of false information as opposed to the real one and the study of users’ patterns to interact with that infodemic. As a response to this, our work combines the use of artificial intelligence and journalism through fact-checked false claims to provide an in-depth study of the number of retweets, likes, replies, quotes and repeated texts in posts stating or contradicting misinformation in Twitter. The large sample of tweets was collected and automatically analysed through Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques, not to give all the attention only to the posts with a big impact but to all the messages contributing to the expansion of false information or its rejection regardless of their virality. This analysis revealed that the diffusion of tweets surrounding coronavirus-related misinformation is not only a domain of viral tweets, but also from posts without interactions, which represent most of the sample, and that there are no big differences between misinformation and its contradiction in general, except for the use of replies.

Research on scandals is a privileged way to explore jointly media and political systems, and the links between them. In this article, we explore how the coverage of political corruption in digital native and paper newspapers has the characteristics of politically oriented scandals (Mancini, 2019), which are more common in polarized pluralist systems, like the Spanish one. To do so, we have studied the scandals related to the former King of Spain, Juan Carlos I. In the research, we have analyzed the evolution of media coverage on the topic between July 1, 2014, and March 1, 2021 in three different paper newspapers (El País, El Mundo and ABC). During this period, 889 journalistic pieces were published in these three newspapers. Also, we have conducted a quantitative and qualitative analysis of a sample of 334 pieces from the last year covered by the research (2020-2021) on El País, El Mundo and ABC and on digital natives El Español and elDiario.es. The results show a political instrumentalization of the scandal, media partisanship (the media support some political parties’ positions) in El País, elDiario.es and ABC; and ideological polarization (analyzed content presents two politically opposed groups) in ABC and elDiario.es.

This study seeks to establish whether news sharing in social media is a mature field of research by using bibliometrics as a tool. The Web of Science database was searched for articles that contained the term ‘news sharing’ in titles, keywords, and abstracts. A total of 133 articles was obtained, which enabled us to address the question of whether there are well-established journals and authors that cover the subject. The results show a certain ambiguity, which could explain why the chosen subject matter is often studied in fields outside of Communication Studies; however, while studies on news sharing are conducted by researchers from heterogeneous fields, this has not translated into greater interdisciplinarity.