Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

The reflexion on the Shoah is inseparable from the question of silence. This is due to the event itself, which carries with it the project of the complete disappearance of murdered Jews and erasure of their traces. This is due also to the place this issue occupies in western thought. In the second half of the 20th century an important dimension of western and especially French thought is founded on the overturning that the Shoah has caused in the European culture and the European self-representation. The author proposes to examine – through some philosophical and literary examples – the paradigm of the erasure of the subject in France, in relation to the genocide.

The Post-genomic Era includes features both from a methodological and epistemic point of view and from an ontological perspective. Firstly, it incorporates new methods of high-throughput sequencing of DNA and RNA, and the development of complete genomes that allow a precise reference of the molecular results obtained. In addition, from an ontological perspective, the centre of gravity of the molecular processes is placed on the expression of genes, and the way in which such expression is regulated; these features turn the attention towards the study of Gene Regulatory Networks, and in particular to the role of RNA. This new molecular-biological perspective based on new methodologies and approaches is affecting the existing Molecular Genetics Theory including the definition of gen and Central Dogma of Molecular Biology. An important philosophical challenges posed by this new situation is the question whether there is a sophistication of the present theory or a New Theory of Molecular Genetics (a change of paradigm) and whether there is an incommensurability between this theory and the accepted theory (the existing paradigm). In this work we evaluate these changes in the light of Kuhn’s theory of scientific revolution in order to propose an alternative between a moderate and a strong view. According to the moderate one, the Post-genomic changes do not properly involve a paradigm shift or, if they do, they constitute a minor revolution. The strong view considers that, the anomalies disclosed in the Molecular Genetics Theory at conceptual and methodological level and the Post-genomic changes they lead to suppose a scientific paradigm shift.

The epistemic, moral and political dimensions of Argentine anarchist writer Alberto Ghiraldo’s aesthetic discourse are examined here. This analysis is based upon his views of Jose Martí’s life and work as regards Ghiraldo’s attempt to edit the Cuban writer complete works ever since 1925. We hold Ghiraldo’s intent to give an epistemic and moralizing function to his writing tends to lose sight of the contingent forms of political articulation, and thus to dehistoricize practices on behalf benefit of the configuration of an eschatological maximalism.

A ‘state of affairs’ is understood here as any kind of concrete entity that can play the role of truthmaker. Different ontologies propose different structures of entities to work as ‘states of affairs’ in this sense. Defenders of universals will propose for the role non- mereological structures of universals, objects and times. Defenders of tropes will propose tropes, either with or without universals and objects. Resemblance nominalists will propose primitive ontological facts of resemblance between objects in time. In any of these cases, times are an essential component of a state of affairs. Any ontology of states of affairs, then, should clarify what times are in order to clarify what states of affairs are. An examination of the dominant reductivist conceptions of times shows that these connections have not yet been thought through carefully. In any of the dominant reductivist conceptions, times are entities that either include or describe everything that happens simultaneously at a given instant. Even in some cases they include the description of everything that happens at any time. If one introduce times taken as they are in any of these reductivist conceptions, it will be essential to a state of affairs everything that happens simultaneously with it, or even everything that happens at any time. Under some assumptions the internal relation of every state of affairs with every other state of affairs expands to the internal relation of everything with everything. This is an unhappy theoretical situation that calls for a more careful consideration of some central tenets in our ontology of time.

Ordinary dialogical logic offers processing memory as a history of dialogues. Find a reference (justification) in this history is an ambiguous process (repetition), which can transform in complex or impossible issues the questions that compose a dialogue. Thus, two researches of justifications overlap in a dual problem of justification. In addition, this consideration of the memory uses a lot of technical resources.We propose a dialogical formalism that solves these problems: double justification, composition, memory saving. To do this, we will develop "special" rules that will reconfigure the formalism and consider the metaphysical and philosophical concepts in this logical system and its interpretations.This article is divided into three parts:A presentation of the dialogical framework oriented towards the presentation of the problem of double justification.A re-interpretation of this framework in terms of matrices: the logical formulas modeled on the linguistic and mathematical language reading are replaced by a concept borrowed from the game semantical approach.A brief summary of the new approaches presented by this method: reaffirmation of the clear separation between different levels of analysis and economy on the amount of memory required (complexity).

The failure of federalism and provincial autonomism also explained by their leaders, who with the victory of the coalition Portales (1830-1859), fluctuated between marginal dissent and integration. Infante is the case who chose to be a voice testimonial with The Federal Valdiviano magazine, while Matta chose to join the system, through three stages: rebellion (1850s), transition (1860s), and coptation (1870s).

This article examines the political reform process implemented in 1912 in Argentina in order to discuss some general understandings in national historiography about the scope of the reform. The analysis focuses on the province of Corrientes, the only one in which the Radicalism failed o reach power throughout the period. This paper seeks to assess the limits of reformism, strategies and mechanisms implemented by the Conservatism to stay in power despite the national political situation that presented it adverse.

The following article is part of the studies on emergency measures and temporary suspension of rights that have existed in the twentieth century predating the Chilean military coup of 1973. We will study the relationships both in content and objectives pursued by the law of 1947 Peasant Unionization, and the Defense of Democracy of the following year, both laws promoted by the government of Gabriel González Videla. We believe that both laws are part of the same gear looking through the persecution of the Communist Party, the movement to stop the advance of agricultural and urban workers at a time of political and economic difficulties, framed world in the early war period known cold.

This article has the objective to analyze the historical experience of the Chilean workers organized in the FOCh in their struggle to defend right of association and strike during the situation of terminal crisis of the oligarchic liberal State. From 1921 to 1924, the employers’ organizations made a strong offensive strategy against the trade unions. In this way, the FOCh resisted with strikes demanding right of association, collective bargaining, right to strike and freedom of press in a time when a modern system of labor relationships regulated by a labor legislation didn’t exist. The struggle of recognize this democratic rights doesn’t amount a loss of political autonomy facing the State. On the contrary, this contributed to fortify the federated workers trade union.

In this document we’re going to analyze the relationships with the Spaniards from the indigenous perspective, showing a complementary proposal to the “border life” from the interlineage relations. We appreciated information about the relationships between different lineages in the Parliament of Quilín in 1641, especially of the “alliances” between the groupings that lived from Biobío River to Cruces river. These aspects can be identified since the attendance that some lineages granted to the Spaniards who denominated them “Indian friends”. We detected the presence of common interests that they were not permanent, old quarrels, ancestral hatreds and pending revenges that hoped to take shape demographically aided for more powerful groups like it was his tradition and custom in reguas mapuches. This behavior of the different mapuche segments allows to recognize these alliances were unstable, what explains why the peace with the Spaniards was not permanent.