Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

No digas nada (Spanish Edition) Patrick Radden Keefe Reservoir Books, Madrid, 2020 Patrick Radden Keefe is an American journalist of Irish ancestry who worked on this story based on a visit to documentary repositories in Boston, from which he reconstructs a sort of memoir of the 30 years of the Northern Ireland conflict - often referred to in local journalistic jargon as the troubles - as well as chronicling the process that led to the Good Friday armistice of 1998, which decreed the end of hostilities and the beginning of Sinn Fein activity. It is also a chronicle of the political party built by Gerry Adams as a definitive replacement for the IRA army (to which Adams always denied his membership, which this book attempts to disprove), as well as an account not only of the difficult years, but also of the persistence to date of an unresolved conflict that would only be resolved with the annexation of Ulster (a territory of Northern Ireland still part of the United Kingdom) to the Republic of Ireland.

Review of Franziska Linkerhand by Brigitte Reimann (Burg, 1933-Berlin East 1973)ERRATA NATURAE 2016 [Unabridged edition 1998-censored 1974]

This paper addresses the meanings that nurses and social workers elaborate on their professional practices towards transvestite and transgender people. A corpus of in-depth interviews with nurses and social workers who work in José C. Paz, Malvinas Argentinas, Pilar, Moreno and San Miguel (Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina) is analyzed. Interviews are analyzed on the basis of four dimensions: (a) characteristics of the encounter with transgender people; (b) perceptions about barriers to healthcare for transgender people; (c) actions developed to promote their access to healthcare; (d) dimensions of nursing and social work that promote their access to healthcare. Finally, hypotheses about the potentialities and challenges of nursing and social work to promote access to healthcare for transgender people are explored.

In this article we inquiring into Ruy Mauro Marini’s dependency theory, and his studies from the early ‘70s, in order to take up again the theoretical-methodological contributions provided in the face of the problem of conceptualizing social classes in Latin America. We have retrieved the studies developed by Marini from 1973, the year of publication of La dialéctica de la dependencia, to 1979, when his articles “Plusvalía extraordinaria y acumulación de capital” and “El ciclo del capital en la economía dependiente” were released. During that period of time, the author developed the core of his critique of Latin American political economy, and the foundations of dependency as a category. Likewise, in that context he produced a series of studies aiming to think about the Chilean juncture of the time. Many of these materials were compiled in the book El reformismo y la contrarrevolución (1976). The dialogue between his theoretical texts and his studies about Chile is the main source for our research. Our hypothesis is that, in these texts —written in the heat of struggles, and political and cultural processes—, there is an implied theoretical-methodological orientation that serves as a consideration of social classes in Latin American dependent capitalism, and that goes beyond punctual events to support the construction of tools which permit the understanding of determinations in the general picture, linked to neoliberal reconfigurations of capitalism.

In order to identify the perception of the intercultural advantage evidenced in the narration of facts, this study seeks to contribute in the understanding of the intercultural relationships in mixed family environments between individuals of different nationality. Through a study that has recovered the discourse of the members of eight Czech-Mexican couples, it is shown that the advantage perceived by them is stems from the acquisition of intercultural skills. The information collected has been organized through the evaluation of four elements that define the interculturality: power relations, intercultural communication, integration and cultural alterity. The main finding indicates that the context in which mixed Czech-Mexican couples have been made up is characterized by a balance in the negotiation of interest to form joint life goals. This advantage is materializes in the expansion of the opportunity to move between two countries, either to settle in the country of encounter, or to migrate to the country of the other. The trend shown has been biased towards the country of women.

The objective of this article is to describe and analyze the functioning of a cultural State policy program, the Cultural Usina of the criminal Unit Nº 4 Santiago Vázquez, ex Comcar, through the practices and representations of the officials working in the physical space where it develops and the experiences of some people who have participated in it. Starting from previous works that reflect on politics as a process, we propose to understand the senses attributed to this cultural policy programme as a mediation or reworking of the meanings proposed by the authorities that conceived it, where new meanings are negotiated and produced. Methodological design combined interviews with technicians and detainees who attended the Usina and participants observation in activities and in the educational community of Comcar. Methodological design combined in-depth interviews with technicians and detainees who attended the Usina and participant observation in their activities as well as in the educational community of Comcar. We conclude that the confinement context is fundamental to understand the tensions of the daily work and the production of meaning of the participants. In policies there are not only executors and beneficiaries but subjects with agency that participate in social environments that condition them. Their appropriations of the space opens by policy, shaped in and by the characteristics of the social life in which they are involved (the confinement, in our case) are the policy embodied, and constitute a fundamental object of research to understand its functioning and possible contributions.

This article studies how, from the highest levels of the Argentine State, the “entrepreneurial culture” operated as a management value to legitimize the political-technical practices of a group of individuals who held political positions in the Ministry of Social Economy of the Nation between 2015 and 2019. Professionals from the business world and its related NGOs landed there, where they incorporated concepts, skills and values that they sought to reproduce in the organization of ministerial work and in different Social Development policies during the Cambiemos government. We complement the analysis of the social, political and professional trajectories of the civil servants with the study of a set of policies that were consolidated in the Ministry of Social Economy during the government of Cambiemos. The social cadres of this new right managed from business speeches, also anchored in the daily life of different NGOs, which differentiated them from the Catholic cadres of the 60s, but also from the expert networks of the 90s. They used a new managerial knowledge, recovered values from the entrepreneurial culture and built management objectives such as the financial inclusion of popular sectors in Argentina.

The article addresses the loss of power of the union delegates corps and subway workers since a change in strategy from the leading group when they, politically integrate into the national government in 2006 which led to an incipient and gradual bureaucratization: this adaptation was expressed in a progressive deactivation in the struggles. In turn, the alliance between the UTA management, the company and the State contributed to the loss of power. Likewise, the policies of the UTA leadership regarding union delegates and workers are analyzed in their effort to deactivate them. The methodology used was a qualitative and critical analysis linked to documentary and experiential recording techniques. Analysis of public documents (acts of collective bargaining agreements and state files), national newspapers and left-wing parties, semi structured interviews and participant observations of assemblies and mobilizations. The work unfolds the limits of a strategy for adapting the union body to the State endangering certain labor and political gains achieved and retreating in some others. The proposed topic is of interest because between 2006 and 2009 the change of the majority of the union delegates in their relationship with the State, the company and the UTA leadership was manifested more clearly and a process of bureaucratization began.

This article addresses the phenomenon of the Latin American Video Movement, which was a network of heterogeneous experiences whose founding act was formalized in December 1987 within the framework of the IX International Festival of New Latin American Cinema in Havana. The Movement functioned as a space for sub-continental dialogue and integration concerned with: establishing cooperative relationships and avoiding the atomization of experiences, promoting the development and organization of national groups in pursuit of democracy, improving and increasing the flow of information and circulation of productions, systematizing current projects, socializing partial learning, and generating training mechanisms. As part of a broader investigation, where the Network's path between 1987 and 1992 —the last year of formal existence— is exhaustively reported, this work focuses on the analysis of the material, discursive and cultural conditions that made its emergence possible, to then examine in detail its first year of life, taking into account the different instances of dialogue substantiated by the regional filmmakers.

Facing the installation of new discourses that simply praise alphabetic writing or promote the so-called “grammatization of the world”, these pages are intended to explore at first what could be understood as “the darkest side of alphabetic writing”. For this reason, different sources are used that allow us to see the place of evaluative reason in the spread of modern literacy with its unavoidable colonial face, while, as a counterpart, different perspectives that open poetic cracks in literacy are brought together. In this sense, the power of orality in writing is highlighted so that other literacy horizons (to those established by modernity) can be seen and some decolonizing gestures can be raised from there. Then, the reasons for writing are acknowledged on what it implies in itself or from certain teleology, and an ethical-political dimension of its correctness and incorrectness is investigated. Towards the end, two teaching testimonies are offered that, from what could be two traces of conversation, invite to think about writing in other ways. Finally, the ink ends with a brief inquiry into what a pen can do when the vellicatio is not its destination.