Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This article focuses on the positions, daily experiences and memories of the members of the educational community of Morón (Buenos Aires) during the war for the Malvinas and its postwar period. To do this, we will resort to the case of the Manuel Dorrego National School, a national public institution in the western suburbs, examining the experiences,  meanings and positions between the months of the conflict and the immediate postwar period.

Review of the book PAOLO ALFIERI (a cura di). Immagini dei nostri maestri. Memorie di scuola nel cinema e nella televisione dell’Italia repubblicana. Roma: Armando, 2019.

This article analyzes the ideological origins of Francoism from the perspective of a “sports state”, in the sense that physical culture, not only physical education but also sport, was seen as a way of preparing youth for the post-war peacetime after the Civil War (1936-1939). Starting from a conception of life as a sort of militia, we explore the ideological assumptions and legal provisions that laid the foundations of this “sports state”, which was dependent on the Falange. Beginning in 1943 this concept found a powerful resonance box in the images of NO-DO, coinciding with the celebration of the first National Congress of Physical Education (October 1943) that designed an action program that was not legally materialized until 1961 with the approval of the Physical Education Law. Although initially this sports nationalism, inspired by classical models (Spartan, French revolutionary), based itself on the example of European totalitarianism - especially in the organization of the Berlin Olympics (1936) by the Nazis - with the passing of time this ideological element ceded prominence to an ideology inspired by the sports pedagogy of Pierre de Coubertin. In this same direction, Olympic participation, the organization of the II  Mediterranean Games (Barcelona, 1955) and the Olympic Games in Rome (1960), all with the approval of the Catholic Church, led to the consolidation of a “sports state”, which, always under the control of the Falange, assumed the values of Olympism

This article seeks to understand the use of cinema as an educational device during the Estado Novo regime, particularly with regard to newsreels. Weundertake a genealogical approach to our research, seeking to reconstitute the provenance of the newsreels within the framework of António  Ferro's Politics of the Spirit. To this end, the article focuses on two documentary series: the legislation produced on cinema, in which the authorities recognize its educational character; and the work of António Ferro himself, writer and publicist  responsible for the National Propaganda Secretariat, created in 1933 and made National Information Secretariat in 1944.

Beginning in October 2011, Basque and Spanish institutions have immersed themselves in the analysis of the recent past of the Basque Country, emphasizing the history and memory of terrorism. The study of this traumatic episode has been undertaken by entities such as the Memorial Center for the Victims of Terrorism and Gogora: Institute for Memory, Coexistence and Human Rights. The existence of two memorial organizations with divergent narratives has shown that the Basque society remains polarized, and that it continues to (un-)consciously turn the page of terrorism without even having read it. This disparity of narratives is having its effect on Education. This article focuses on the initiatives implemented by the Basque Government to bring the history of terrorism to the curriculum of the Secondary School in the Basque Country, highlighting the educational programs deployed between 2005 and 2021 to try to delegitimize it. The objective is to show the confrontation of narratives, the reason for the discrepancies and the impact that such circumstances have on how this episode in the history of political violence in Spain is to be transmitted and told.

The government of Manuel A. Odría (1948-1956) is remembered in Peru as one of the governments that best addressed the problem of the shortage of schools during the 20th century; however, in the construction of an overview of his educational work, certain issues have been omitted, such as the neglect of the regime towards primary schools, the effects that the first intense migrations—from the countryside to the city—had on the schools in the capital and the critical final years that diminished the government’s educational work.This article seeks to give a general overview of Odría’s educational policy, with emphasis on school buildings, for which the capital district of La Victoria has been taken as a case study. Through the study of official documents and information extracted from the press, we show that the government had a preference for secondary and technical education that ended up affecting the construction of schools; and that after 1953 Odría’s educational work decreased due to political, economic and social factors. 

At the beginning of its evolution as an independent nation, Mexico made education one of its central objectives in the goal of integrating a heterogeneous society. In the state of Oaxaca, these intentions led to multiple initiatives and legislation that sought to train preceptors who would take illustration to all corners of its rugged geography; the plans almost always collided with the bankruptcy of the administration and with multiple political conflicts that impeded the crystallization of the effort. The present work analyzes the most stable period of this complex process, which begins in 1890 and ends in a turbulent period — under new arrangements brought about by the revolution —, in 1937, when the state ceded educational responsibilities to the federation.

The Plan de Estabilización y Liberalización Económica (1959) is considered the milestone that marks the beginning of a new stage of the Franco Regime called «technocratic developmentalism» (desarrollismo tecnocrático). Unique circumstances allowed a strong propulsion toward women´s emancipation, thanks to the greater inclusion of women in the labor force, a phenomenon that had been significantly hampered by the Franco dictatorship previously. In addition to other cultural considerations, these economic changes questioned the ideal of the «angel of the home» that Francoism had promoted for women. Consequently, the dictatorial regime employed its most effective propaganda, the newsreel NO-DO (Noticiarios y Documentales, News Programs and Documentaries), to safeguard this model. In this study we aim to discover the discursive strategies used by the NO-DO to discredit any women´s expectations that did not align with the official female stereotype of the Francoist Regime in the «technocratic developmentalism» (1960-1975). We have focused on reports that showed news linked to primary, secondary, and university education, as well as vocational training. The methodology employed in this research is that of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), applied to verbal and non-verbal discourse, joined to techniques of audiovisual analysis. Our results reveal that female models differing from traditional ones are discredited by means such as teasing, irony and, in general, derogatory language. Moreover, the presence of women in traditionally masculine spaces is omitted. At the same time, the «National-Catholic» archetype about women continues to be reinforced by verbal discourse and images. This period also saw a greater visualization of women in classrooms.

As the result of two research projects about documentaries and newsreels produced in Spain between 1914-1939 and 1939-1970, we discovered different silences and rumours which had an impact  un the memory and the history of education. We know that those silences and rumours were applied systematically as part of a national policy, affecting mainly the vulnerable population and stymieing any attempt at changing the situation. It is important that we understand why those silences and rumours persist nowadays and how the history and memory of education confront them. The silences, like the manipulations, make up a part of our past, yet they still have effects today. And this is true not only with Francoism; in different totalitarian systems, as well as during violent historical episodes, there has been a habit of imposing silence. The same thing has  occurred withnewsreels and documentaries. Different responses have attempted to address this problem and its effect on the recuperation of educational memories, and it ultimately depends on political, cultural and social contexts. In researching and disseminating one’s own past, the sensation of uneasiness is inherent to the process. The educational memory assumes this apprehension when it is developed as complex history which explains the lived educational experiences that are being related. In this article, we explore some of the premises and the potential of fragile memories and complex stories forming part of an intentional research program around audiovisual sources produced as propaganda in a totalitarian political framework. The different lines of research pursued in the aforementioned projects, but not exclusive to them, reinforced the need to advance in those methodologies that could bring together the different paths connecting the common elements and allowing for the possibility of narrating the silence with the perspective of a social history linked to justice and democracy.

This article reflects on the meaning and scope of the Ward teaching method, which was conceived at the time in a general way for developing musical literacy in schoolchildren as well as providing a basic musical learning of Gregorian Chant. We also  delve into the figure of its creator, the American pedagogue Justine Bayard Cutting Ward (1879-1975), paying special attention to the conjuncture and contextualization of the time in which her musical system developed. Subsequently, the issue of the reception of the Ward method in Spain is addressed, framed by the crisis affecting the Church in the nineteenth century, the Social Question addressed by Pope Leo XIII and the subsequent reform of Sacred Music championed by Pius X and ratified until the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). This method of musical teaching also takes as a reference the revitalization and normalization of the Gregorian chant from Solesmes. The review that is proposed here through the analysis of the origin of the Ward method as well as the combination of factors and circumstances that led to it may contribute to updating some of its premises in the pedagogical-musical field, whose basic principles are still a valid influence on some of the main methods employed in music education.