Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

The aim of this article is to approximate the debates raised on the field of anthropology concerning the indigenous people and peasants to the studies about social movements. Also, to show how education among Latin American popular movements is one of the leading organizational axes and of political instruction for actors from different generations that allows them to try to perform in the nowadays the social transformations they aspire.The experiences of the anti-system movements depicted here are useful to point out how at the same time in which the deterritorialization process advances steadily over the rural and urban/peripheral population, there are struggles, memory construction that resignifies the denied and invisibilized identities given along the history of capitalism and modern times.The developments presented here are the result of an ongoing research for a Master’s degree where I’ve been doing ethnographic field work since 2018 with a popular education social movement with national reach, besides the reflections and discussions shared with colleagues in a postgraduate seminar based on the theoretical-practical studies about educative-political praxis concerning indigenous people and peasants in Latin America.

This article seeks to locate conceptual references in order to understand the effects of the extractivist regional advanced on the ways of life from de collective health. That is, it appeal to the concept of social determination of health by wich health is understood as a psychosocial and relational process configured from a dialectical movement that articulates different dimensions of reality. It approaches the idea tha the deployment of extractivism produces effects on the health processes of population in integral terms, therefore it has imlications in different aspects of daily life. In this sence the demands and struggles on the part of different subjects can be read as movilizations linked to the defense or reinvention of ways of living. Then, extractivism finds tensions in confrontations of community nature that are rooted in the dynamics of social movements and other organizational experiences in the region. By the way, there has been a revitalization of the notion of community as a political category which allows to emphasize the community as processes linked to the networks of support, production and reproduction of life. This is fertile for collective health as it allows revisiting the frameworks of understanding and territorial approach to anchor them in a consideration of multiple capillary networks that give shape to daily life.

The aim of this article resides in an attempt to reflect on Enrique Dussel’s Philosophy of Liberation, conceived from his own experience of exile in Mexico. Our theoretical and methodological framework involves the History of Ideas in Latin America and Arturo Andrés Roig’s notion of ‘methodological broadening’. We analyze the relationship between Philosophy and Politics within the movement of Philosophy of Liberation from a historiographic approach written by Horacio Cerutti Guldberg and Raúl Fornet-Betancourt. Afterwards, we present a reconfiguration of Dussel’s Philosophy of Liberation by producing a dialogue with Karl Marx’s theoretical work and Antonio Gramsci’s concept of organic intellectual. Finally, we intend to show that the Argentinian-Mexican philosopher conducts a self-critical review of his past political standpoints and, at the same time, elaborates a rebirth of Latin American Marxism.

In this paper I explore some of the struggles of the communities organized around the Kitu Kara people settled in the outskirts of the city of Quito - Ecuador. For this I use the idea of the popular community as a form of politics that tends to political self-regulation and reappropriation of social wealth. The aim of this paper is to show briefly how their practices of struggle are situated beyond the dichotomous readings of "State or autonomy" with which community struggles are usually read. Instead, I show, from the idea of the popular communitarian, how there is a non-state centric and at the same time non-statist political practice, which is situated both in, with and against the state. The realization of this work was based on an ethnographic approach and political accompaniment of the communes of Quito for more than five years, which allowed us to look from the inside at the various facets of their struggles.

Marcha de la Gorra is an anti-repressive collective action in Córdoba, Argentina. It summons thousands of young people to protest against the police harassment and abuse suffered daily. The aim of this article is to analyze, from a psychosocial perspective, how the intersubjective plots that weave the youths constitute a fundamental power of the mobilization in the public space. To do this, we recover the fieldwork and conjectures produced in two research works about this collective action. From a qualitative methodology, the exploration strategy was based on a design called collective Ethnography of Events. We conclude that these symbolic-affective plots generate conditions of possibility for the realization of collective action, favoring the participation and permanence of the involved.

Through an analytical approach to peasant economies, the main tensions and challenges faced by these forms of production and reproduction of life in colombian rurality are identified. It is proposed that from the complex and heterogeneous peasant subjectivity and the deep colombian rural world, peasant economies survive and give meaning to rural production networks in the midst of a rural scenario that is invisible, stigmatized, violent and with enormous inadequacies.

This paper addresses the tensions around communal property and rural life in the Chimalapas jungle, located in the east of the state of Oaxaca, in Mexico. This territory, that ancestrally belonged to the ‘angpøn zoque people, has been the object of a long process of dispossession through land grabbing and the exploitation of its resources. The objective of the text is, initially, to briefly review the development and consolidation of capitalist appropriation in the vast Zoque lands of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. I postulate that the advance of private property and the grabbing of Chimalapas lands was made possible, and even promoted, by the liberal policies of the 19th and 20th centuries. Subsequently, I report the Chimalapa community mobilization process that took place between the 1970s and 1990s in response to the rapid expansion of forestry companies and landowners in the eastern part of the territory. I focus on the central objectives of the community organization that led this movement, which were articulated around the recovery of land. Finally, I analyze the effects of the neoliberal decentralization of the last decade of the 20th century on the Chimalapa communities, along with the disruption and disarticulation of their peasant community practices as an expression of a precariousness exacerbated by the advance of the privatization of resources, which ultimately led to the decline of communal organization.

The demonstrations of December 19 and 20, 2001 broke into the plot of political, economic and social relations and evidenced the beginning –or the redefinition– of new forms of collective action. In this context, the various social movements established a relationship with the State that was not exempt from tensions and contradictions.A first approximation to this question requires the distinction of two stages: the first of them, runs from December 2001 to the inauguration of Néstor Kirchner in 2003 and is marked by a state of social agitation evidenced in heterogeneous collective actions: piquetes y asambleas. (Schuster, et al. 2006); the second stage includes the first government of Kirchner (2003-2007) who maintained a close relationship (but no less conflictive) with the various social movements.In short, the question that guides our work refers to How to analyze the complex and tense relationship between the State and the Social Movements after the 2001 crisis? Through this question, we will propose a series of conceptualizations that allow us to making it more complex and problematize this relationship in the light of new ways of thinking about social actors, the political system, politics and conflict.

Anarchism as an ideology and social philosophy was treated marginally in academia for quite some time, which prevented us from measuring its real impact in the Latin American context, beyond the classic prejudices with this ideology. In this sense with the notion of social movement from the perspective of Latin American critical social sciences, a discussion that is not yet settled as to the definition of the term, we conduct an analysis of anarchism in the context of the social outburst of October 2019 in Chile, and through these analytical tools, we characterize anarchist practices from their own Latin American expression. For this reason, the previous political context of Latin America, prior to the social outbreak marked by the advance of neoliberalism, has seemed fundamental to us in understanding the phenomenon. Thus, the vindication of the horizontal assembly, the exercise of direct democracy, the barricade as a meeting place, among other forms of self-organization, are relevant elements in the new processes of social conflict in the continent. As this is not an isolated phenomenon and is replicated in several Latin American countries, the issue merits further research, based on several methodological tools, one of which is the discussion of social movements from our own categorical repertoires.

En los últimos años y a lo largo de todo el mundo se ha presentado un incremento exponencial del desarrollo de tecnología electrónica y de las telecomunicaciones lo que derivó en un aumento del uso de los dispositivos de telefonía móvil, situación que condujo a las compañías proveedoras a expandir la cobertura de su red. Dicha expansión produjo un crecimiento significativo de la exposición de la población a la radiación electromagnética (REM).  La REM se divide principalmente en dos: ionizante y no ionizante. Para equipos de telefonía móvil, la radiación EM emitida es de tipo no ionizante debido a sus bajos niveles de energía y puede llegar a ocasionar diferentes daños en el cuerpo de los seres humanos si se exceden ciertas escalas de exposición. En este contexto, resuelta de gran interés conocer y aprender sobre las radiaciones no ionizantes (RNI), ¿Qué son?, ¿Cómo se miden?, ¿Qué normas definen los límites a los cuales se deben adecuar? Asimismo, cabe mencionar que, en la Argentina, al momento de la realización de este artículo, y en los últimos años, no existe suficiente personal instruido y/o capacitado para la medición de las RNI. Particularmente, en el partido de La Matanza no hemos hallado registros formales organizados de los niveles de RNI. Por las razones mencionadas conformar y ser parte de un grupo de investigación de mediciones RNI reporta un servicio de utilidad para la comunidad ya que dicho equipo podrá actuar como alerta temprana de posibles puntos de calentamiento por exposición a campos electromagnéticos junto a ello la actividad en la zona de influencia del partido de La Matanza agiliza la intervención para los casos donde es necesario arbitraje. Este artículo es un estudio de las RNI en el ámbito de las telecomunicaciones y su aplicación práctica en las mediciones de las mismas, en particular, en el campus de la Universidad Nacional de La Matanza (UNLAM). Para ello, primero se desarrolla la definición de RNI, se nombra la normativa vigente a nivel nacional. Seguidamente en base al instrumento para mensurar campos electromagnéticos existente en el laboratorio abierto de la carrera de Ingeniería electrónica (LACIE), de la facultad antes nombrada, se implementarán trabajos de medición en campo y, por último, una recopilación acerca de la experiencia, como alumna, de participar en un grupo de investigación.