Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

El síndrome de Parry-Romberg o atrofia hemifacial progresiva, enfermedad de Romberg o también denominada trofoneurosis facial, fue descrito por Parry en 1925 y por Romberg en 1946. Se considera una malformación craneofacial poco frecuente en la práctica diaria y en edades tempranas, ya que es una enfermedad progresiva que suele empezar en la adolescencia. Se caracteriza por presentar la atrofia del tejido graso (celular subcutáneo), piel, músculos faciales y en algunos casos pueden estar afectados también los huesos y cartílagos de un lado de la cara; su evolución dura de 2 a 12 años, pero puede detenerse en cualquier momento. Su diagnóstico temprano, así como un adecuado plan de tratamiento, resultan importantes y se deben ejecutar por un equipo multidisciplinario para lograr un buen desarrollo funcional y psicológico, así como el establecimiento de una buena relación de oclusión que mejore la armonía facial, que eleve la calidad de vida de estos pacientes. El objetivo del presente trabajo es mostrar un caso que ha sido tratado por el equipo multidisciplinario de Cirugía Maxilofacial del Hospital Pediátrico de Centro Habana.

The process of generation of a new bone by lengthening the osteal callus is called osteogenesis by distraction. This process is also applied to bones of the craniofacial skeleton and, specially, to the mandible to treat mandibular defects appearing in different syndromes, such as Treacher Collins, hemifacial microsomy, Pierre Robins, obstructive sleeping apnea, and other deformities secondary to ankylosis of the temporomandibular joint and traumas. A bibliographic review of the topic was made. Our study of 45 series published showed that the extraoral was the most used type of distractor, that the mandible was the most treated bone, that only 4.4 % of the authors conduct cephalometric studies to evaluate the results, and that partial avulsion of the pins, pain in the TMA and limitation to open the mouth were the most frequent complications.

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The Chinese  community of Northwestern Mexico was characterized by the ideological diversity of its members, mainly during  1920-1930, when the  political  differences  between the followers  of  the Chinese   Nationalist  Party   (Guomingdang) and the  members  of the  Chee Kung  Tong  were polarized,  reflecting the struggle for power going on in China. Francisco  L. Yuen is particularly interesting  in this setting, for besides being an entrepreneur, he was president of the Nationalist Party  and director  of the Chinese  Fraternal  Union.  His political and economic  activities  allowed  him  to  relate  to  the  most  powerful groups in the  region, which  in turn  had  access to  the  Sonora group, dominating at that moment the highest governmental circles in Mexico. Yuen's  relations  proved  decisive when authorities tried to expel him on the grounds of Article 33 of the Constitution.

This paper reveals several levels of Indian participation and products in commercial channels in Las Huastecas  (mainly Villa de Valles and Huejutla), a social setting where Indians coexisted with Mulattos,  Mestizos  and white people. Commercial  activities  were  not  only  shared  in social  and  ethnic  terms,  and  in cross-cultural relations,  but also in the occupation of territories by  several  actors:  Haciendas,  Indian   towns,   mission  towns, barrios, rancherías and farms. This study stresses economic geography and the role of piloncillo (raw sugar) not only as a means of commercial exchange, but as merchandise  needed for tribute, for the repartimiento  de mercancías (merchandise  distribution) and for ecclesiastical perquisites. The authors also reveal the characteristics of the repartimiento  and suggest that the relations established   by  historians   between   tribute   and  repartimiento should be nuanced.

During the nineteenth century, civil and ecclesiastical authorities made important efforts to implant  in the population moral values in tune with the liberal and conservative ideas of the groups in power.  During  the Porfiriato, in a country in which secularization and positivist ideas gained ground, the liberal State maintained  its intention of the “moral creation”  of the new Mexicans it required.  Despite  all these  efforts,  the  values that were transmitted did not  manage to alter some habits strongly enrooted among  a society  apparently  assuming  the  “worldly” and “divine” risks of its behavior. By studying  proclaimed moral values and opposing  them to daily practices, the author  reveals the lack of correspondence between them, which leads us to dispute the effectiveness of these moral policies.

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By analyzing documental traces of the last sixty years of colo­nial rule in the Yucatan península, this article describes the cir­cumstances in which private Mayan lands were sold through he Tribunal de Indios. This context reveals the power of Indian cabildos (councils) over the town lands and over the transfer of lands among Indians or between Indians and Spanish, Criollo or Mestizo grupos, which were not controlled by the Tribunal. The evidence of this process of Mayan land privatization suggests that towards the mid-eghteenth centruy, the right to private property had gone beyond the small grupo of Mayan high classes. This evidence also reveals that the idea of Indians embracing an essentially communitarian notion of land characterized the regime, not the cabildos or the Indians in general.

This work deals with the Catholic  guerrilla of the 1930's, better known as the second  Cristiada, and its expressions in Michoacan. On  the one hand, it analyzes the main ideas and motivations of its national leaders and their relations with the guerrilla groups in Michoacan, and on  the  other,  it reviews the way in which Mexican bishops  struggled against the movement's head, the Liga Nacional  Defensora  de la Libertad  Religiosa [National League for the Defense of Religious Liberty]. The author's main point is that these second cristeros were not “pawns in a political chessboard”  or “primitive  rebels”, as they have been described up to now, but a social movement  that tried to play its own political game.