Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This research paper analyses an experience in higher education based on the HyFlex (hybrid and flexible) model that was developed during three academic years (2019, 2020, 2021). Unlike other HyFlex approaches, where face-to-face teaching is broadcast online and students choose whether to attend the physical classroom or participate telematically, in this experience the hybrid consisted of a combination of face-to-face lessons with autonomous work by students in an asynchronous virtual classroom. Likewise, flexibility was based on the students' free choice of the learning modality or strategy to be followed (by projects versus units of study). A descriptive analysis methodology was used to carry out the study, based on the opinion survey method and the analysis of the academic performance grades obtained by the students. The results show a high degree of satisfaction and positive assessment from the students’ perspectives. It has also been identified that there is a high level of academic achievement irrespective of the chosen pathway. It is concluded that this implemented HyFlex model has the potential to be transferable and put into practice any university subject of face-to-face teaching which require being transformed digitally. For this, it is necessary that the appropriate institutional conditions exist and that the teaching staff have the appropriate pedagogical and digital competence.

During the last two decades, accusations regarding partisan bias in the media have proliferated in Argentina’s public conversation. Numerous scholars have studied the relationship between media outlets and the last government administrations but, in contrast to the literature from other countries, it is hard to find attempts to test, estimate and compare media bias in Argentina. This study aims to contribute to this line of research by analyzing the media coverages produced by Argentine journals Clarín, La Nación and Página 12 on the Consumer Confidence Index (ICC) during Cristina Kirchner’s and Mauricio Macri’s administrations. The research design employed here is particularly useful because it overcomes the difficulties associated with the study of biases that have been identified in previous works, conducted in other countries. The results suggest that there is a partisan bias in the three newspapers that matches the roles assigned to them in the Argentine public conversation, but showing differences in the mode and the magnitude of that bias.

The processes of regulation and control in Ecuador have provoked a series of events linked to the right to freedom of expression and press. In this framework, the legal implications of the “prior censorship” established in article 18 of the LOC (2013) Communication Law in force in Ecuador are analyzed. Since then that law had several reforms, but this article is based only in the version effective in 2013, Take as a study reference the case known as Page 12, an unprecedented case in the country, which established sanctions for seven media outlets, all of them private, for the non-publication of a report published in Argentina and related to the investment in tax havens of the former presidential candidate Guillermo Lasso Mendoza. The article argues that the disparity between (LOC-2013) and international instruments is given by the same purposes of the law, as well as by the definition and contents of the freedom of expression that it carries out in that normative compendium.

In this research, two models were designed, one theoretical and one statistical, respective to the convergent themes of social cohesion and development and social welfare. first, the principal component analysis (PCA) algorithm was applied to correlate some select items of the 2021 version of El Barometro de las Americas, Mexico; subsequently common items were chosen for the 2021, 2016, 2010 and 2024 versions and a longitudinal descriptive analysis was performed. The limitation for the study was the lack of consistency between the items in the different periods applied, which prevented the comparison of the 2021 data against other periods in their entirety. The model created contains 3 groups, Group 1 convergence between development and cohesion, Group 2 hypothetical perception of Coup d’ etat and dictatorial government, and Group 3 economy and performance of the national government. The results allow us to understand how the opinion of citizens is. The originality of this reduced framework of convergence of the themes of social cohesion and development and welfare is that the reduced framework could allow the design of public programs and actions for the benefit of the community.

Several studies have found that sympathy with the incumbent affects perceptions of the pandemic. In countries with presidents who downplayed the seriousness of the coronavirus, government sympathizers report less concern about the disease. Then, we expect to observe a negative relationship between sympathy for the president and concern about COVID in these countries. In this text, I analyze the effect of presidential approval on the perceived severity of coronavirus disease in Mexico in contrast to Latin America. Using Americas Barometer surveys, I present three relevant results. First, I find that those who evaluate López Obrador's job better report less concern about COVID than those who evaluate him worse. Second, for the average Latin American, a positive evaluation of the president is associated with more significant concern about COVID, but the opposite effect occurs in Mexico and Brazil. Third, in Mexico, measures of diffuse evaluation do not affect the perceived severity of COVID-19, while in Latin America, they are associated with greater concern.

This study analyzes the level of diffuse support for democracy in Mexico using data from the 2021 round of the "Americas Barometer". By means of an ordinal regression analysis, the main explanatory variables were identified. Among the variables, two dimensions of support for democracy stand out that contain evaluative judgments that were identified from an exploratory factor analysis. In turn, the main continuities and discontinuities in the trends observed for Mexico since 2016 are presented.

In Mexico, the legal recognition of same-sex marriage began twelve years ago in the country's capital. Following this reform, same-sex marriage legislation has advanced and encountered different obstacles at the national level. This article examines the development and current state of public opinion regarding same-sex marriage in Mexico through theories based on modernization, generational change, political attitudes, and religion. In order to test our hypotheses, this research uses data from LAPOP surveys (2010-2018) in a series of regression models. Our findings indicate that higher educational levels, being younger and living in urban areas makes it more likely for individuals to support same-sex marriage. In contrast, those who are part of evangelical groups are more likely to disagree than Catholics or people without a religious affiliation. On average, there is a trend of growing support for same-sex marriage legislation in Mexico.  

This study examines theories of political trust in Mexico based on data from the Americas Barometer survey from 2010 to 2021. These theories hold that fluctuations in trust depend on contextual factors. The institutional performance model emphasizes variables such as the economic situation of the country, the capacity of governments to combat corruption, provide services to citizens and improve public security. For its part, socio-cultural theory is based on interpersonal trust and social activism as explanatory factors, since it maintains that trust in institutions is the result of socialization processes. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models were developed using the STATA statistical package and it was found, for the Mexican case, that the variations in the levels of political trust are explained to a greater extent by the evaluations that citizens make of the performance of the institutions. This work demonstrates the superiority of the performance model over the socio-cultural approach in explaining institutional trust. With these results, this research aims to contribute to the theoretical and empirical discussion on the explanatory factors of political trust.

The research seeks to track whether through opinions about social capital, perceptions about the economic situation can be understood. To proceed with the analysis, a logistic regression is used on the surveys carried out by LAPOP in 2021 for Mexico, but in search of greater external validity, the results are complemented with the data from the waves from 2004 to 2019. The 2021 data is revised by itself with a logistic regression model and are separated to avoid losing questions available in the rest of the years on social capital. For data from 2004 to 2019, a simultaneous equations model was used to deal with endogeneity issues. This work provides guidelines to know how social capital affects economic perceptions at the individual level, which is a contribution to a tendency to see this relationship at the aggregate level for communities or per capita, to have evidence to support political decisions. that can seek to improve economic conditions through the generation of social capital. The results point to the fact that social capital does influence economic perceptions, but an endogeneity problem remains latent.