Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Despite the existence of digital technologies (TD), artificial intelligence (AI), Big Data management, and a significant number of specific software programs designed to increase citizen participation, discussions continue regarding the effective advances that digital culture may achieve in improving democracy. While technology can overcome the obstacles of sophisticated information on public policy and the complexity of the enormous number of citizen participations, some arguments question whether the incursion of technological resources will actually democratize politics, while other reasonings suggest that things are moving in the opposite direction. In light of this debate, the objective of this text is to demonstrate that the challenges of the digital transformation of democracy are primarily ethical and political, despite all the contributions of a technological nature

This paper proposes a type of therapy called “complex”, which does not exist to date. While there are numerous links between complexity and the life and health sciences, as well as broad interplay between complexity and the social and human sciences, no dialogue on, much less any development of, the relationship between therapy and complexity exists. This paper argues that a complex therapy enhances the development of health and life by shifting the focus away from problems, illness, and limitations. After a brief review of the general panorama of therapies, complex therapy is outlined based on three main features. The article ends with some open-ended conclusions.

The objective of this article is to analyze the ontological process and permeability that the culture of peace has shown in the idiosyncrasy of the Mexican people during the implementation of restorative justice in its legal, political, and social systems. The social context and conjunctural climate in which the restorative paradigm has been progressively implemented in Mexican legal culture is examined, accompanied by a critical analysis of existing contradictions among certain juridical figures in national legislation, the latter remnants of the preceding inquisitive system which was remunerative in nature. Finally, a series of factual and juridical proposals for the viable implementation of this system are proposed to strengthen the new restorative ideology that authorities in Mexico intend to incorporate in support of the long-awaited culture of peace.

The biological life of individuals in the capitalist mode of production is a commodity prepared to be utilized in the manufacturing of other merchandise, just another good available to be bought and sold according to its constitutive components. The utilization of human brains, muscles, nerves, and senses to fabricate products is directly related to the reproduction of capital, so wherever this regime for producing goods is instituted, a system grounded upon the exploitation of human lives is established concurrently, one that takes advantage of corporeality, reason, and communities of people to support production. This article analyzes the dynamics of the commoditization and instrumentalization of the organic lives of people based on the postulates of political economy, a field recognized as belonging to the biopolitical devices developed to manage, optimize, discipline, protect, and exclude the biological lives of men and women through its role as the substantive discipline for the administration of life in modernity through relations of domination.

The COVID-19 pandemic has triggered a crisis not only for human health but also for political culture, the latter expressed, among other ways, in the protests that, in the name of freedom, emerged in opposition to various health measures. In light of this phenomenon, one objective of this paper is to analyze the category of “freedom”; specifically, its use by the neoliberal ethos, in the first section, and by the neo-authoritarian ethos, in the second. The paper argues that these contrasting uses underlie those protests, while simultaneously acquiring a growing protagonism in current political culture. In this context, the second aim –developed in the third section– is to propose an alternative perception of freedom, one that aspires to turn out to be useless for the goals of both of these anti-democratic ethos.

This article examines the construction of the figure of the priest José María Mercado as a hero of Mexican Independence through three moments, or stages, in his life, narrated by different 19th and 20th authors after the insurgent uprising of the early 1800s; namely, his birth, movements of the insurrectionists’ artillery, and his death. During our research, we were able to rescue several collective enunciations from the 19th and 20th century press that document Mercado’s movements and varied forms of participation in the Republic of Mexico’s quest for independence.

The development of modern democracy needed the organization and distribution of the space. In this paper it is describe and analyze the use of politics and construction of social housing, from a genealogical perspective. In the occidental countries, the social housing politics began at the last decade of XIX century, it continues throughout next century and it will change in the new millennial. It is clear that social housing aims, at the beginning, the inclusion of the worker citizens but, since the 80’s it means residential segregation, gentrification, and the control of the governments of any irregular popular movement. Our conclusions are that the social housing inequality is but the symptom of a survival way of life produced by the capitalist peace. Keywords: democracy, social housing, residential segregation.

González Vaqué, L. (coord.) La venta de alimentos online. Regulación y perspectivas de futuro, Thomson Reuters Aranzadi, Navarra, 2019.  

José Ma. Murià, Presencia de catalanes en México. Cinco siglos (Ciudad de México: Academia Mexicana de la Historia–El Colegio de Jalisco, 2021), 95 pp.

From a historical perspective, this article analyzes Mexico’s 1932 National Registry of Foreigners (NRF) through its application in Chiapas as a migratory policy conceived to count the number of foreigners residing in the country. The measure had peculiarities and inconveniences in its implementation along the southern border because Mexican authorities, having lost sight of the precise line that had divided the two nations geographically since 1882, were little concerned about the consequences of granting nationality to people living on the Mexican side. We examine how the application of the NRF in Chiapas listed a large number of people with no nationality who lived along that border and traveled freely between the two nations, and discuss the advantages of this “non-nationality” for some coffee plantation owners, mainly indigenous Guatemalans. The study also analyzes the main causes that led to this omission of nationality, including rampant illiteracy, a largely rural population, indifference and ignorance of nationality laws, and the need for cheap labor on those plantations. Finally, though briefly, it examines key features of the Interdepartmental Demographic Commission (Comision Demográfica Intersecretarial), the governmental mechanism that performed the naturalization of a massive number of people in the region as Mexicans.