Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Throughout history, the search for knowledge and the development of the mind has been progressive. The philosophers did not live in a castle, living comfortably, without worries, looking at the world from the superiority of their knowledge. The great majority of them lived modestly, totally involved in the work of their time, worrying about their livelihood, family or political current affairs. All this would lead them to cultivate their minds and develop their knowledge, becoming lovers of wisdom.

Work for women has been affected during the pandemic, becoming a virtual task in the best scenarios. Likewise, it meant reconciling family and domestic activities with work tasks. The study’s objective was to understand the emotional experience of a group of working women in the context of teleworking, from the role of women installed in society, in the face of the virtualization of their work actions amid the pandemic. Our study conducted semi-structured interviews with six women linked to educational management. Through our interview analysis, we concluded that women’s excess workload during a public health emergency meant a substantial increase in activities and responsibilities. Many had to dialogue with their families about their role, facing challenges regarding adequate work material and tools, increasing stress and anxiety due to the current context, teleworking, virtual classes, and home conditions where all of the above coexist. Thus, it was possible to evidence families of categories linked to inheritance and patriarchy, socially marked roles towards women along with emotions of fear and sadness, as well as the appearance of emerging types such as social commitment and firmly ingrained social and behavioral habits.

As a result of the quarantine imposed in March 2020, the essential labor performed by workers of digital delivery platforms implied the renewed visibility of their precarious labor conditions. Seven draft bills were introduced to Congress contemplating worker protection, oscillating in between the salaried/independent classification of these workers. Specifically, this paper analyzes three core dimensions of workers’ concerns regarding labor regulation. Those include the preservation of flexible schedules, the continuity of income self-regulation –even though this often means overworking– and the need to gain fair access to social protections, where the absence of occupational hazards insurance stands out.

This article theorizes the low level of public confidence in the Chilean business elite in the context of the contradiction between good economic results and the weakening of the country’s political development. Distrust of big business is part of a low confidence level in institutions and political elites. The latter is the underline of the depleted legitimacy left by the economic system imposed under a dictatorship, without democratic governments having replaced the radical neoliberal economic paradigm with another, with reforms that eliminated its radicalism. The development of our argument is based on historical-institutional background, data from surveys by the Centro de Estudios de la Realidad Contemporánea (CERC) in Chile and Latinobarómetro, and qualitative interviews with the presidents of the three leading organizations of extensive businessmen: Sociedad de Fomento Fabril (Sofofa), Sociedad Nacional de Agricultura (SNA) and Confederación de la Producción y el Comercio (CPC). In conclusion, we can point out that the good economic performance after the dictatorship did not improve confidence in big business, which we attribute to the legacies of the dictatorship’s financial system and the decision of democratic governments to emphasize continuity rather than reform. This affects the public image of the business associations, which they try to solve with communication resources, ignoring the historical and structural factors that explain it.

In Latin America, quantitative knowledge about young people and religion is easily accessible and significant, while qualitative information on the subject is dispersed and very dissimilar between countries. This work aims to achieve, through a systematic review of 45 articles published in the last five years in open-access databases, establish how youth relate to religion in Latin American countries. After a thematic analysis, the work allowed us to conclude that religion is a diverse reality during youth and continues to influence it. However, less and less. Young people who identify with religion often disagree with its orientations and practices, which leads them to experience religion “in their way” and follow religious institutions demanding a space more significant than their condition and youth culture. In turn, young people who identify as “without religion” many recognize themselves as believers, but without an institutionalized religion and, finally, there is a large group of youth who define themselves as “seekers” who combine various beliefs and build their own “religion” or their spirituality.

The fall of the regime of General Alfredo Stroessner in 1989 inaugurated the lengthy process of transition to democracy in Paraguay. The continuity of the legal and political order of the Stronismo, supported by the National Constitution of 1967, constituted one of the main obstacles to sealing the new democratic pact. In this article, we will analyze the social and historical conditions that promoted the process of political liberalization synthesized in the call to the National Assembly in 1991 and the subsequent reform of the National Constitution in 1992 to configure a new legal and political system. In particular, we will investigate the process that led to the incorporation of the State of exception, replacing the State of siege, once used to legalize and legitimize the repressive actions of the Stronista regime. From the parliamentary debates and the projects presented in the National Assembly, we will analyze the incorporation of the State of exception in the National Constitution. We will make a theoretical reconstruction from different disciplines to warn about its meanings, contradictions, legitimacy mechanisms, and the dilemmas it poses for democracy.

The article analyzes and systematizes, from a social research qualitative perspective, dimensions adopted by the promotion of green hydrogen as an alternative to stimulate the energy transition in the context of the socio-ecological and climatic crisis and the acceleration of global warming. Green hydrogen is an energy vector that can contribute to consolidating a process of decarbonization and defossilization of energy matrices since it is the product of clean and renewable sources. The progressive relevance it acquires among government actors, business people, and scientists are due to its potential to supply transport, production, and domestic consumption with zero greenhouse gas emissions. The deployment of megaprojects and their global projection is relatively new. Therefore, we need to situate specific relevant issues to review this process, taking into account the virtues promoting an energy transition, and consider points highlighted in various works and interventions concerning the problems that could occur with its development. In particular, it focuses on megaproject proposals in Latin America and Argentina.

In this article, we analyze how the State’s social programs –central components for the realization of fundamental rights– have been implemented under the outsourcing scheme made possible by the 1980 Constitution, resulting in the precariousness of the working conditions of those who implement them on the front line. Based on the results of a mixed sequential exploratory study, we argue that without decent operating conditions for the front-line workers who implement these social programs, it will be challenging to guarantee fundamental rights. “Unpaid” work and “dirty” emotional labor, which appear as part of the findings, constitute a kind of “neoliberal fatigue” that generates resistance on the part of the implementers and significantly harms the users of the programs, thus limiting society’s capacity to promote social rights. We analyze some articles in the constitutional text rejected in the referendum held on September 4, 2022, exploring its possibilities and limitations regarding conditions for implementing social programs, aiming at contributing to the broader discussion on fundamental rights in Chile.

This article analyzes youth perspectives on the normative and rights elements discussed in the constituent process and their contrast with the contents finally included in the proposal for the new Constitution. Based on a non-probabilistic survey applied to young participants between 14 and 25 years of age from all regions of the country (N=2285), we present youth perspectives in three dimensions: Subjects, culture and identity; Citizen rights and duties, and Role of the Constitution and purposes of the State. The results show, on the one hand, the vision of youths aligns with implementing social rights, and identities (native peoples, migrants, among others), to greater participation of the State and citizens in decision-making in the political system. On the other hand, when contrasting this vision with the new Constitution draft, it is observed that the constitutional proposal broadly includes the concept of rights and society latent in the youth actor.

article aims to analyze the repercussions that the encyclical Laudato Si’ has had on Catholic businessmen who are members of the Social Union of Businessmen, Executives, and Christian Entrepreneurs, in Chile, and the Christian Association of Business Leaders, in Argentina. For this purpose, our research considered public statements, annual reports, and publications in the press between 2015 and 2016. These businessmen find themselves in a dilemma where they try to articulate the negotiations between the contested order of the Social Doctrine and their opinion regarding the economic world. We conclude that the encyclical criticizes the dominant paradigm of corporate social responsibility, reappropriating the classical tradition of political economy. While the Chilean association admitted its differentiated responsibility derived from its social position and assumed itself to be the ruling elite, the Argentine association appealed to its economist members to blame the State for bureaucratic inefficiency. It also called to hold it responsible for the moral degradation of society but warned about the Vatican’s competence in economic matters, claiming for itself the understanding of this matter. These counterpoints in their political discourses represent an opportunity to deepen the inquiries on their local characteristics in their search to articulate multiple interests and values.