Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

Work for many women has become more complex since the covid-19 pandemic began. Working conditions have worsened and, following Wlosko (2020), the precariousness of life as a normalized model of existence has been accentuated. Care work has not been considered in the logic of remote work and this has provoked important effects. The present qualitative research aimed to analyze the teaching remote work experi- ences of a group of female teachers, who participated in focus group sessions, under the methodology of psychodynamics of work. The results show a visible complexity in the experience of teaching work in this context; contradictions, moments of difficulty and even some advantages are mixed and confused; However, physical fatigue, fear, anger and loneliness, as well as a constant feeling of heaviness, accompanies teaching in these times. Teachers build a series of defensive strategies that allow them to get ahead with both roles. It is concluded that there is a long way to go in terms of gender equity within homes, but above all, in work spaces, in this case university.

The article develops necropower notions of the rule of law and the necropolitical govern- mentalization of the State as specific forms of necropower in North America. Based on the governmentality of Achille Mbembe and Michel Foucault, the researcher affirms that in third world countries like Mexico, state power is intertwined with criminal organizations. The fu- sion of the criminal state results in institutions and policies for the administration of death, which in turn leads to the reproduction of the illegal accumulation of capital, the necropolitical governmentalization of the state. In addition, based on diverse interpretations of necrop- ower in the first world, the author maintains that the United States and Canada impose their sovereign power to kill not above or below the law, but through it. The first world countries of North America use legal frameworks to accumulate capital through activities that produce death in specific geographies and spaces based on nationality, ethnicity, race, class, and gender. The chapter calls this necropower the rule of law. The common ground in both types of necropower is lucrative death.

This article aims to analyze the dispute for sovereign power during the last decades in Mexico, with the purpose of contribuing to the understanding of the current national situation char- acterized by the armed conflict between different political and social actors. In particular, a contextual study of this type of conflicts is carried out in the states of Guerrero, Michoacan and Chiapas, where there has been an important presence of the Armed Forces, the ter- ritorial control of organized crime and the emergence of diverse expressions of community defense. For this purpose, the concepts of sovereignty and indirect private government of Achille Mbembe are taken up in this paper, since they are very useful theoretical tools to study the situation of peripheral states immersed in the logic of globalization. Based on the informa- tion analyzed, it is concluded that the dispute for sovereign power through the emergence of private governments in Mexico is a phenomenon with a predisposition to become more recurrent, since it occurs as a consequence of a scenario of dilution of statehood as a regulator of social relations, a process that began at the end of the 20th century and continues to date.

Returning to the concepts of governmentality and its biopolitical techniques, as well as that of pastoral power exposed by Foucault, this article argues that faith-based organizations and social services in the United States and Mexico are articulated around discourses, prac- tices and power of the public policies to help refugees and migrants in bio and necropolitical contexts. The article presents an unpublished qualitative investigation of a sample of these organizations in both countries; these organizations are part of a biopolitics of organizing the life of a population such as refugees and migrants, in the midst of a necropolitical context of exclusion and marginalization by governments and the violence that expels them from their places of origin. These organizations provide care from a social pastoral logic to mitigate the state of exception in which these populations find themselves.

Giorgio Agamben, in his Homo Sacer saga, develops the model of biopolitics from the ar- chaeological analysis of figures characterized by symbolizing in themselves the inclusion- exclusion dynamic: the sovereign, the state of exception, la nuda vita and the homo sacer. The integration of these concepts allows the Italian philosopher to conceive the biopolitical paradigm of the West: the state of exception as the threshold at which the law is suspended, making possible the political regulation of life as nuda vita belonging to homo sacer, which anyone can kill without being considered homicide. This way, the Agambian biopolitical model centered on the politicization of life potentially at risk of death can be distinguished, given that from this approach biopolitics is always aimed at fixing the subjects whose life is taken into account simply to legally put them to death. In this sense, the aim of this paper is, by means of an interpretative approach, to analyze the biopolitical stance from the aforementioned philosopher’s viewpoint based on the concept of risk.

Many indications would point to the realization of the premonition with which Foucault closed The order of things: the figure of “the man” would be erasing itself from our plexus of historical meanings. Added to the advance of trends such as new biotechnological interventions, the renewal of the parameters of capital accumulation and the codification of the representations of the living, this would mean the end of the enlightened project and would confront us with the challenge of composing a new base that allows us to rethink social and intersubjective ties. This article proposes to analyze some of the implications that this “disappearance of man” would suppose regarding the exercise of sovereignty, the disciplinarization of the productive force and the government of life.  

There has been a link between biopolitics and neoliberalism. This article argues that Foucault’s biopolitics was not thought from the neoliberalism of the Chicago school, but from the ordo- liberal school. Neoliberalism must be defined in a different way, not even from the framework of necropolitics, which is based on the state of exception. On the contrary, the category of mortispolitics is proposed, which expresses greater statehood and less governmentality. Statehood does not operate through the state of exception but through the rule of law. But it is not a law equal for all or indistinct, rather it is distinctive for those who have material, racial and social privilege. Mortispolitics is expressed as a necrosociety that has distorted the equilibrium of the drives of life and death that can be seen in the figure of the Nietzschean acrobat, mainly because the way of life to pleasure and extreme enjoyment devalues death, and by devaluing it expands death among the human population and the planet. In the usa we observe a logic of legal-privilege mortispolitics and in Latin American countries there is a mortispolitical statehood.