Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This research shows how the changes and continuities in the ideological and technological dispute for the Third World in the Cold War can help us analyze the commercial and diplomatic conflict that the United States pushed for during the Donald Trump administration (2017-2021) against the People's Republic of China, as a possible preface to a new Cold War. The methodology we have employed is comparative and links the historiography surrounding this conflict with the discipline of Grand Strategy. The originality of this research lies in taking continuity lines from the conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States as the starting point for the analysis of the American relationship with China at the beginning of the 2020s, focusing on the economic and technological dispute as part of the strategy of both countries.

This article critically reviews the process that triggered the political crisis and the delegitimization of the Bolivian university reform through the main historical events in the country up to the overthrow of the government of Evo Morales at the end of 2019, focusing on the role assumed by the university system in this political crisis. Throughout the text, the critical moments that lead to a questioning of the reformist attempts are exposed, mainly due to institutional weakening and disconnection with the revolutionary ideology of social commitment and the liberation of the peoples. These factors, added to the institutional conflicts due to internal power struggles, the distortion of co-government into a sort of misgovernment, and the irregular practices derived from a misused autonomy, have led to a profound institutional crisis. We argue that the reformist utopian ideal has become a delegitimized dystopia.

This paper rescues the constitutive character that some of the antinomies present in the conformation of modern thought have had. It delves from a fundamental premise: to underline a social history that serves as a base for the very trajectory of the social sciences. We will emphasize the structuration theory designed by Anthony Giddens and Pierre Bourdieu’s genetic structuralism. We will then consider the work of Immanuel Wallerstein, a perspective focused on the historicization of the modern world system and its structural relationship to the intellectual division of labor. For Wallerstein, the center of the malaise in moments of crisis of the pattern of capitalist power is oriented towards the constitution of modern thought and its epistemological division of scientific knowledge and philosophy or, in general, of the humanities. Finally, we will problematize the restrictive notion of totality supported by Wallerstein through the notion of social totality designed by Peruvian Aníbal Quijano.

Thinking power is not the same as hold it, however, the place where both events converge is in the way they can be described by words. The interest and analysis of power as a category that structures reality has been present in various disciplines. Each one with its scope or limits has sought to define what power is, and in that effort, they have used metaphorical expressions that account for the process that allowed the construction of some theories or approaches to the concept. This article unravels and analyzes through an interdisciplinary exercise that takes metaphorical analysis as its methodological basis, those metaphors present in the works of various authors with two objectives: 1) to discuss and establish some questions about the interdisciplinary nature of the concept “power” and the value of metaphor in its development and 2) to test the methodological approach used on metaphors in political discourse.

This paper analyzes how History is manipulated by exclusionary nationalisms that use identity as propaganda. Firstly, I will highlight the relevance that History has for the nationalist agendas. I will then set examples of cases related to the nationalist “philosophy” of the Basque and Catalonian being. The history of the construction of Spain as a nation in the 19th century had important identity obstacles that persist to this day. This construction had difficulty reconciling the Spanish ethnic nationalities with the modern idea of a political nation. The complex process of Spanish state unification often lacked the sensitivity to accommodate the need to build a modern state with the existence of a linguistic and cultural singularity in some regions. The imposition of a state project, which began to be considered unfavorable to these regions’ interests, led to a rejection of it and a retreat to tradition based on the myth of autochthony and their own culture.

The European unification project emerged due to confronting the fascism that devastated the continent. However, this struggle has not ceased since various fascist characteristics have survived in a series of openly neo-fascist movements and political parties within the European Parliament. Without the explicit violence of fascism and neo-fascism, these parliamentary post-fascisms still retain the forms of exclusion of historical fascism and characteristics contrary to human rights, the rule of law, and the values of the European Union. The proposed solution is based on a series of measures that support democratic memory. Following a content analysis methodology, we will pursue the objective of this study: to analyze the different forms that fascism has taken in Europe.

This paper seeks to approach the role that History plays in the hermeneutical philosophical tradition, both as a reality and as knowledge. To that end, it engages the theories of two contemporary exponents of said tradition: Gianni Vattimo and Charles Taylor. Starting from a synthetic exposition of their theoretical proposals, both on an epistemological level and regarding their interpretation of the contemporary age, it intends to identify coincidences and disagreements between both theoretical models. Then, through a critical comparison, each theory's weaknesses and potential contradictions are brought to light. In the conclusive remarks, it seeks to defend the superiority of Taylor’s approach to historical knowledge since it more consistently respects the plurality of interpretations of processes and events while also leaving open the possibility of moral and political normative evaluations.

This article compares the politics of the Fourth International and the French Communist Party between 1941 and 1943, analyzing their printed documents. We will focus on the resistance strategies that each organization carried out and investigate the policies designed by each organization toward German soldiers. The comparative analysis between these two organizations in this period is fundamental since both developed their politics underground and suffered persecution from the Nazis. Still, the question remains as to why their influence on the masses and their growth in the post-war decades were radically different. Thus, it is necessary to consider the conditions in which each party found itself when the war began. The contrast between the pcf's policy of "national insurrection" and the "international proletarian revolution" perspective of the Fourth International demarcated the alliances and objectives of each organization facing the post-war period. Likewise, the relationship between the two parties was marked by crossed denunciations and attempts at joint work, but also by the historical disputes of the Bolshevik party and the Stalinist policy of persecuting Trotskyist militants.

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