Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

This article presents the archaeometric study of a set of ceramic containers recovered from the wreck of the San Diego galleon, which sank off in 1600 in the Philippine coast as it began its voyage as the Manila Galleon. Although Asian, Spanish, or New Spanish origins have been attributed to such containers based on typological criteria, they had not yet been demonstrated using archaometric techniques. The application of these techniques to determine their technology of production and prove-nance revealed two distinct technologies: Southeast Asian stoneware from up to six different origins, and Spanish earthenware from the Guadalquivir Valley. These data establish with higher precision the provenance of Southeast Asian goods traded by the Manila Galleon to New Spain and Europe between the late 16th and early 17th centuries ad.

Setenta años de la guerra de Corea. El armisticio y las complejidades geopolíticas de un conflicto inconcluso, de Juan Felipe López Aymes y Alfredo Romero Castilla (Coords.)  

Payan, T., Rodríguez Sumano, A., & Kilroy Jr., R. J. (2025). US-Mexico Relations: Structuring Alternative Futures. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 477 pp.

El marco regulatorio de ciberseguridad en México sigue caracterizándose por su fragmentación, al abarcar disposiciones dispersas en cibercrimen, seguridad nacional y protección de datos sin consolidarse en un instrumento integral. Pese a avances en materia penal y capacidades de inteligencia, la ausencia de una ley unificada en ciberseguridad debilita la consistencia en la aplicación legal y la colaboración interinstitucional. Este artículo proporciona un análisis exhaustivo de los instrumentos normativos existentes, las propuestas legislativas entre 2015 y 2025, y los tratados internacionales pertinentes, incluido el Convenio de Budapest y la reciente Convención de las Naciones Unidas contra la Ciberdelincuencia. Los hallazgos evidencian brechas y superposiciones que obstaculizan la detección, mitigación y persecución efectiva de amenazas digitales, lo que afecta de manera desproporcionada a la infraestructura crítica y a las PYMES. Las disputas políticas en torno a facultades de vigilancia, salvaguardias de privacidad y convergencia con marcos globales han detenido reiteradamente el avance de una legislación integral. Sumado a ello, el rápido desarrollo de tecnologías como la inteligencia artificial generativa plantea nuevos desafíos para la identificación de riesgos y la respuesta a incidentes. No obstante, la alineación parcial con estándares internacionales bajo el T-MEC y mejores índices de ciberseguridad reflejan una creciente conciencia de la necesidad de mayor coherencia normativa. El artículo concluye con una propuesta para promulgar un estatuto dedicado exclusivamente a la ciberseguridad, independiente de otras disposiciones de seguridad, que armonice definiciones, clarifique mandatos institucionales y fomente la colaboración público-privada. La coordinación interinstitucional y el involucramiento de múltiples actores resultan esenciales para fortalecer la resiliencia nacional y adoptar un enfoque adaptativo y centrado en derechos humanos en materia de ciberseguridad.

Since 2018, the concepts of truth, justice, and reconciliation have become increasingly important in the Mexican State’s judicial agenda. In Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s presidential term, two Truth Commissions were established to investigate cases of mass atrocities that have deeply affected the country’s social fabric. The first Truth Commission was established to look into the “Ayotzinapa Case” —a brutal episode of violence resulting in the disappearance of forty-three students. The second Truth Commission sought historical clarification of the atrocities committed in Mexico between 1965 and 1990, a time of political violence commonly known as the “Dirty War”. Despite sharing the same institutional name (commission) and being based on the same ideal (truth), closer examination reveals a conceptual split in their mechanisms and goals. This article shows that the Truth Commission for the Dirty War (“MEH”) revolves around a reconciliatory view, while the Truth Commission for the Ayotzinapa Case (“COVAJ”) prioritizes a sense of retributive justice. The article demonstrates why the selection of one political objective (e.g., reconciliation) resulted in the exclusion of another (e.g., justice) and how truth works inside each political process. Despite sharing the same institutional name (commission) and being based on the same ideal (truth), a closer examination reveals a conceptual split in how their mechanisms and goals are constructed. This essay shows that the Truth Commission for the Dirty War ("MEH") revolves around a reconciliatory view, while the Truth Commission for the Ayotzinapa Case ("COVAJ") prioritizes a sense of retributive justice. The article demonstrates why the selection of one political objective (e.g., reconciliation) resulted in the exclusion of another (e.g., justice), and shows how truth functions inside each political process.

For over a century, U.S. debate surrounding the Exclusionary Rule has centered on questions such as if it inevitably allows criminals to go free, if the victims suffer due to police misconduct, or if the rule’s scope has narrowed over time. The rule’s primary objective has been to deter police misconduct. In Canada, discussions have focused on the necessity of conducting a discretionary analysis to determine the admissibility of unconstitutionally obtained evidence, especially since Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms publication in 1982. Mexico’s debate on the issue began in 2008, and its version of the rule aims to guarantee more rights for the accused; however, it remains subject to legal interpretation and hasn’t been able to effectively reduce police misconduct. This article provides a brief comparison of the Exclusionary Rule’s-related regulation in the three neighboring countries. It suggests that Mexico should consider its northern neighbors common law legal history and pursue substantive changes to the National Criminal Procedures Code. These should directly address illegal evidence’s prohibition and any exceptions to the rule that may exist.

This article explores the legal and institutional transformation of the Mexican pharmaceutical sector, focusing on the period following Mexico’s entrance into the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1986. The shift from protectionist policies to economic liberalization reshaped the regulatory and competitive landscape of the industry. Key legislative reforms, including the 1991 Industrial Property Law, the 1984 General Health Law, and the 1993 Foreign Investment Law, aligned the sector with global trade standards, thus affecting intellectual property, foreign investment, and pharmaceutical production. This article also examines the impact of international agreements like TRIPS, NAFTA, and USMCA. These legal and trade reforms fostered opportunities for multinational corporations, but also created challenges for domestic firms, particularly regarding intellectual property and growing reliance on generic drugs. This research article evaluates how these changes have affected competitiveness in the sector, innovation, and access to medicine, shedding light on the evolving dynamics of Mexico’s pharmaceutical industry in a globalized context.

This article aims to examine two interrelated concepts present in Baja California: necropolitics and crimmigration. The research employs a qualitative methodology, which, while not comprehensive, encompasses several case studies of violence perpetrated against migrants in Baja California from 2021 to 2024. The investigation is substantiated by evidence disseminated in reputable local media, including The San Diego Union-Tribune, Zeta, Proceso, and La Jornada. The question guiding the research is: is crimmigration encompassed within the framework of necropolitics, or are they two different phenomena? The results of the research show that although they are very similar phenomena, they in fact complement each other within necropower frameworks. Final considerations include the necessity for the state to develop an inclusion policy aimed at migrants; the establishment of new lines of quantitative research; and the comprehension of the political and legal organization of migrants in Baja California from a cultural and social perspective.

This article seeks to determine the extent to which judicial processes include a gender perspective, as well as the possible effects and instances of discrimination that accused women experience when it is absent. This research focuses particularly on analyzing the case of Keren Ordóñez, a young woman from Veracruz accused of kidnapping whose criminal proceedings did not protect her right to equality in criminal action and justice. The theoretical‒methodological approach taken starts from a gender perspective in line with the critical feminist stand that proposes denouncement as the way to eradicate gender oppression. Among the findings, it is demonstrated that Keren’s case was not considered with a gender perspective, on the contrary, it was an act of discrimination that violated her right to access justice under conditions of equality.

This article sets out to analyze the right to freedom as a human right, with the purpose of contrasting two of its aspects: the right to freedom as an individual right v. the right to freedom as a collective right, so as to reach a conclusion on the antinomies and collisions between these aspects. In this sense, the epistemic origin of the supremacy of collective rights over individual rights, as well as the potential risk to individual freedoms when indiscriminate privilege is given to collective rights, is questioned and discussed. To solve this dichotomy we propose, on the basis of Law, the use of the Weight Formula, which is a tool that makes use of the Law of Balancing applied in legal reasoning when there are antinomies and collisions between two or more human rights.