Sistema Regional de Información
en línea para Revistas Científicas de América Latina,
el Caribe, España y Portugal

La Agenda Europea 2030, para cumplir con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS), establece un compromiso de mejorar la eficiencia energética en más del 30% antes de 2030. Ante este reto, la iniciativa Smart Campus de la Universidad de Zaragoza (sensorizar.unizar.es) constituye un ecosistema de Internet de las Cosas (IoT) para “medir – analizar – decidir y actuar” con el que diseñar entornos inteligentes (digital twins) como factoría de formación, concienciación y dinamización de espacios urbanos sostenibles en el ámbito de la educación digital, la eficiencia energética y las energías renovables. En los últimos 25 años se ha trabajado mucho en simulación pero menos en experimentación y, para entender los campus universitarios como laboratorios de aprendizaje, esta iniciativa Smart Campus permite medir (niveles de CO2, temperatura, humedad, consumos, etc.), aprender de los edificios y sus instalaciones, y analizar todo tipo de información para tomar decisiones basadas en datos que permitan seguir avanzando para reducir el consumo y el impacto ambiental, mejorar el confort y, especialmente en la situación actual de pandemia, aumentar la seguridad para la salud de la personas caminando hacia un concepto innovador de smart campus.

No aplica, dado que se trata de una aportación para la sección "NOTAS Y RESÚMENES DE TRABAJOS DE INVESTIGACIÓN"

En este trabajo se analiza el género de los nombres de las vías públicas de la ciudad de Zaragoza (España), dada la importancia que tienen los nombres como una manera de transmitir y perpetuar determinados valores. El análisis tiene dos vertientes: por un lado, cuantitativo, contabilizando el número de calles de género femenino y clasificándolas en función de su trayectoria vital y atributos profesionales; y por otro lado, realizando un estudio con técnica de SIG (Sistemas de Información Geográfica) para analizar dónde se encuentran estas vías y sus principales características. Las conclusiones más evidentes son la escasa representación de las mujeres en el callejero, con un perfil de mujeres más tradicional, y la heterogénea distribución espacial en los distintos distritos.

This article explains the influence of neo-Malthusianism in the configuration of U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America during the Cold War. Based on Harvard University’s Countway Library of Medicine archives and specialized bibliography, it analyzes the neo-Malthusian postulates as a paradigm of North American hemispheric security. In that proposal, we propose that as long as there was control of the ‘population explosion’ in underdeveloped countries, it would be possible to prevent outbreaks of future social conflicts and socialist revolutions. In short, we study the implications of neo-Malthusianism in Latin America as a matrix of thought, a tool of social engineering, and a strategy of demographic containment and pro-North American geopolitics in a bipolar global scenario.

On September 6, 1930, the first coup d’état in Argentina’s history took place. In this paper, we will try to understand and analyze the role that the media played in the preparation of the coup and how different social sectors responded to the media campaign. We use sociologist Alain Rouquié’s work for socio-political context analysis and Ernesto Laclau’s understanding of how the press helped expand coup- related that identified Yrigoyen’s democratic government as the root of broad social problems, a priori disconnected. Still, after the media outcry’s success, the image of Uriburu as an “empty signifier” or solution is constructed. After analyzing various articles in the press at the time, we conclude that the media strategy achieved its purpose since the traditional sectors of support for radical policies and governments did not come to democracy’s defense and left it at the mercy of military action.

The article discusses the reception and solidarity awakened in Chilean society during Cuba’s Second Independence War, especially between the popular organizations and the American Union Society. We analyze most implications derived from Aristides Agüero’s visit, delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Party (PRC), whose mission sought to materialize financial, military, and political support for insurgents, motivating sharp controversies from facts and incidents developed between 1895 and 1896. On the other hand, Chile’s foreign policy centered on limits with its neighboring countries. At the same time, the diplomatic representation and the resident Spanish colony assumed a vigilant attitude to safeguard its attachment to the neutrality condition adopted by Chile before the Antillean conflict. Our analysis derives from examining and contrasting exposed versions from periodical sources.  

This paper addresses the ethnohistorical development of Chile’s Mapuche colonial resistance struggles in defense of their lands, traditions, means of production, and other central elements. As a fundamental point, we focus on the relationship between war and space, highlighting the active role of the maintenance of their links with cultural, socioeconomic, and political spaces in the resistance against invading groups from the arrival of Pedro de Valdivia (1541) until the peace of Quillín (1641). We will try to understand the war dynamics, also the technical and socio-political rearrangements that transformed the native peoples to confront the Spaniards. We propose that the struggle sought to prevent the invasion of their common lands and spaces of existence, an urgency before all the colonial process deleterious developments, commonly pointed out to explain the Arauco War, such as personal labor and indigenous slavery.

State redistributions are one of the multiple dimensions of the complex relationship between oil and accumulation by dispossession. This article comparatively analyzes, using specialized literature, hydrocarbon policies during J. D. Perón’s first two governments (1946-1955) and Kirchner and Fernández de Kirchner’s (2003-2015) three mandates. We aim to focus on state redistributions that, in both cases, benefited the same company: the former SOCAL -currently Chevron- of the Rockefeller group. Results show both parallels and differences. On the one hand, the similarity between models of accumulation and political regimes, the energy crises, the strategies deployed to confront them, the leonine clauses of the contracts with SOCAL/Chevron, and the arguments used to legitimize them. On the other hand,the asymmetrical extractive dynamics of the resource, the role of the state oil company YPF, the access to information about the agreed conditions, and the unequal outcome of agreements.

This article aims to offer a reflection on migration as a contemporary process. It will address the Chilean case, which, in recent years, has seen an accelerated and constant increase in this phenomenon, causing problems in human relations among residents and the foreign population trying to improve their living conditions. We also will analyze the consequences of legislation seeking to deepen the power relations between the State and the migrant population, which reveal practices of domination and oppression. Also, transmodernity and critical interculturality allow us to analyze migratory problems from a decolonial and Latin American point of view. We conclude with diversity's value from the perspective of radical constructivism as a new inclusive starting point that allows us to confront it with modern resources, recognizing the subaltern subject as a protagonist of social change.  

Since the return to democracy in 1990, urban violence and crime have become an increasingly important social problem in Chile, reflected in the growing perception levels of insecurity and victimization. This situation is present in large cities and medium cities, where, especially in recent years, there has been an increase in crime levels. Melipilla, during the last decade, has seen a rise in its population in conjunction with urban violence, delinquency, and criminality, reaching its maximum expression after the social outbreak of October 2019. This research’s objective is to analyze the process of violence consolidation in the city of Melipilla, identifying the possible causes of this phenomenon between 2005 and 2019.